Roger Bishop

Review by

Henry Kissinger’s approach to American foreign policy continues to be a subject of controversy, even though he’s been out of government since the 1970s. Regarded as a brilliant statesman by many, he has also been called an appeaser, a villain and a war criminal. What was it that caused people to view him so differently? Are there lessons for today we can learn from him? 

Barry Gewen, a longtime editor at the New York Times Book Review, explores these and other questions in his meticulously researched, consistently stimulating and deeply insightful intellectual biography, The Inevitability of Tragedy: Henry Kissinger and His World. Through detailed analyses of Kissinger’s policy decisions on Vietnam and Chile, the influence of his personal life on his professional worldview, and the views of other Jewish European refugee intellectuals, Gewen offers a better understanding of Kissinger’s ability to challenge people to rethink their assumptions.

Kissinger always loved the U.S. but remained skeptical about democracy. Although he downplayed the influence of his youth in Weimar Republic Germany during the rise of Hitler, who could forget that the leader of the Nazi Party came to power primarily by democratic means? Kissinger believed not in grand dreams but in dealing with realities. Peace is not the natural condition of humankind, he said, and democracy will not guarantee global peace and stability. A balance of power is essential. All of these ideas were controversial, of course, but probably nothing caused him more trouble than believing that we should accept evil in the world rather than trying to eradicate it. As he put it, “Nothing is more difficult for Americans to understand than the possibility of tragedy.”

This beautifully written and engaging gem is an exciting, exhilarating must-read for anyone interested in international relations, American foreign policy or the ideas of Kissinger, whether you agree with him or not.

Henry Kissinger’s approach to American foreign policy continues to be a subject of controversy, even though he’s been out of government since the 1970s. Regarded as a brilliant statesman by many, he has also been called an appeaser, a villain and a war criminal. What…

Review by

During the 1920s and ’30s, Americans who wanted to learn what was happening in other parts of the world depended on newspapers, magazines and books. In her beautifully crafted and engrossing Fighting Words: The Bold American Journalists Who Brought the World Home Between the Wars, Harvard historian Nancy F. Cott vividly portrays the important work and complicated lives of four prominent foreign correspondents during a time of monumental change. Bright and resourceful, they let Americans know what was happening in the devastating aftermath of World War I—in Europe as fascism was on the rise, in a deeply divided Middle East, in Russia when Stalin ruled and in China as revolution grew. They were astute observers and often better than diplomats in assessing what was going on.

Aspiring novelists Vincent Sheean and John Gunther were eager to get to Europe, where they hoped to find work as journalists to support themselves. Dorothy Thompson wanted to get to Europe, too, uncertain of how she would earn a living but proving to be a natural reporter. Rayna Raphaelson Prohme yearned to go to China, where she believed a historic transition, “the biggest struggle that is taking place in all the world,” was happening.

Sheean became best known for his Personal History, a bestselling account of his life during the 1920s. Gunther wrote the bestsellers Inside Europe and Inside U.S.A. but is best remembered for his Death Be Not Proud, a portrait of his son’s illness and death. Thompson’s reporting, including an interview with Hitler, was exceptional, and she became an influential newspaper and magazine columnist and radio commentator. Prohme’s path was quite different from the others but certainly fascinating.

This wonderfully readable narrative will hold your attention from beginning to end and features cameos by journalist Louise Bryant (the widow of fellow journalist John Reed) and the prominent authors Rebecca West and Sinclair Lewis, who was Thompson’s husband when he received the Nobel Prize in literature.

During the 1920s and ’30s, Americans who wanted to learn what was happening in other parts of the world depended on newspapers, magazines and books. In her beautifully crafted and engrossing Fighting Words: The Bold American Journalists Who Brought the World Home Between the Wars,…

Review by

The 37th and 38th Congresses, who served from 1861 until 1865, were among the most important in American history. They passed legislation that kept the nation together during the Civil War, but they also broke ground on other extraordinary measures—such as Western homesteading, land-grant colleges and the Transcontinental Railroad, which transformed the U.S. socially and economically. In his compelling and vivid Congress at War, Fergus M. Bordewich delves deep into the difficult day-to-day politics that drove these achievements.

In focus are four key members of Congress. Three were Republicans: Representative Thaddeus Stevens of Pennsylvania and Senator Ben Wade of Ohio, both called Radicals, and Senator William Fessenden of Maine, who was more cautious. The fourth was Clement Vallandigham, a Democrat from Ohio with Southern sympathies.

Stevens, as chair of the Ways and Means Committee, dealt with the daily expenses of the military, as well as critical war measures. Fessenden’s greatest contribution to the Union victory was his leadership of the Senate Finance Committee, where he raised the money to sustain the war through crisis after crisis. What’s more, his vote to acquit Andrew Johnson during his impeachment trial may have decisively changed the course of history. Vallandigham was one of the great dissenters in our history, while Wade ably and effectively chaired the Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War.

Many congressmen insisted that they had the power to shape the course of the war. Some were even ahead of President Lincoln in such matters as the emancipation of slaves, enacting an incremental series of laws that helped abolitionism become public policy. One of their boldest and most controversial actions was the establishment of the aforementioned Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War, which, over four years, investigated almost every aspect of the war and pressured the president to move more decisively against slavery and to take more aggressive military action.

This recounting of a pivotal time in our history is superb and deserves a wide readership.

The 37th and 38th Congresses, who served from 1861 until 1865, were among the most important in American history. They passed legislation that kept the nation together during the Civil War, but they also broke ground on other extraordinary measures—such as Western homesteading, land-grant colleges…

Review by

American colonists loved tea and wished to acquire it cheaply. Parliament’s Tea Act of 1773, however, made that impossible. As an anonymous New York writer at the time explained, colonists would pay “a duty which is a tax for the Purpose of raising a Revenue from us without our own consent, and tax, or duty, is therefore unconstitutional, cruel, and unjust.” It was an effort to help the financially struggling East India Company. In protest, some ports halted or sent back their shipments of tea. In Boston, in December of 1773, men disguised as Native Americans destroyed 342 chests of tea. The term “Boston Tea Party” wasn’t used until the next century, but the action was controversial and set in motion crucial actions and discussions that lasted until mid-April 1775.

The vigorous debates regarding freedom and liberty during that period prepared the country for what was to follow in 1776. Drawing on correspondence, newspapers and pamphlets, noted historian Mary Beth Norton brings that 16-month period vividly alive in her meticulously documented and richly rewarding 1774: The Long Year of Revolution.

Support for resistance to King George III was far from unanimous. Loyalists sought to deal rationally with Parliament on the Tea Act and other issues. The proposal to elect a congress to coordinate opposition tactics came not from radical leaders but from conservatives who hoped for reconciliation with Britain. Loyalists to England, not the revolutionaries, were the most vocal advocates for freedom of the press and strong dissenting opinions. But shortsighted decisions from London often moved these conservatives in the opposite direction. 

This important book demonstrates how opposition to the king developed and shows us that without the “long year” of 1774, there may not have been an American Revolution at all.

American colonists loved tea and wished to acquire it cheaply. Parliament’s Tea Act of 1773, however, made that impossible. As an anonymous New York writer at the time explained, colonists would pay “a duty which is a tax for the Purpose of raising a Revenue…

Review by

The United States ended its participation in the transatlantic slave trade on January 1, 1808, but Congress still allowed the domestic buying and selling of slaves. In 1835, one congressman declared the District of Columbia “the principal mart of the slave trade of the Union.” Slaves were involved in the construction of the U.S. Capitol and almost all public buildings in D.C. before the Civil War. As the economy grew, so did the demand for slaves. For most slave traders, it was a lucrative business, with profit margins of around 20% or more. One of the most successful slave traders was William H. Williams, who sold thousands of slaves and maintained the notorious Yellow House, a prison where he held his captives until they were sold.

In his meticulously researched and superbly crafted Williams’ Gang: A Notorious Slave Trader and His Cargo of Black Convicts, historian Jeff Forret chronicles the convoluted and tragic misadventures of Williams, who purchased 21 men and six women from the Virginia State Penitentiary in 1840. Although many of these people had been convicted on flimsy or circumstantial evidence, they were considered felons and sentenced to be executed. However, rather than following through with their sentences, the governor had the power to sell them with the promise that they would only be sold out of the country. Williams purchased them and took them to New Orleans, the largest of the Southern slave markets, on his way to Texas (not yet a U.S. state). The problems began when Williams was arrested for breaking a law that forbade the introduction of enslaved convicts into Louisiana—and the resulting legal issues continued for 29 years. This narrative takes us through a world of legal wrangling that held no concern for enslaved people other than for their value as property.

In addition, Forret explores in detail the financial, governmental and societal structures that allowed slavery to flourish, as well as the personalities who aided and challenged the prevailing system. Some did both: Francis Scott Key owned slaves but abhorred slavery and represented slave owners, enslaved people and free black people in court. He was also influential in getting his brother-in-law and friend Roger B. Taney named to the Supreme Court, where he is best known for his role in the 1857 Dred Scott case.

This is a vivid and absorbing account of the exploitation of human beings whose suffering meant profit for others, all of which is part of our nation’s history.

The United States ended its participation in the transatlantic slave trade on January 1, 1808, but Congress still allowed the domestic buying and selling of slaves. In 1835, one congressman declared the District of Columbia “the principal mart of the slave trade of the Union.”…

Review by

When Neville Chamberlain became prime minister in May 1937, he faced a growing threat to Great Britain’s security from Adolf Hitler’s Germany and Benito Mussolini’s Italy. His strategy was to “appease”—which meant, at that time, “bring peace” or “calm someone who was angry”—those leaders, to gain their trust and engage in rational dialogue. That approach was considered ill-advised by Winston Churchill, who understood the situation more realistically and encouraged rearmament. How Chamberlain dealt with the threats from afar and from within is the subject of Adrian Phillips’ fascinating Fighting Churchill, Appeasing Hitler, which shows how the decisions made by men who were determined to avoid war instead made it almost inevitable.

The focus here is on the substantial foreign policy role played by Horace Wilson, Chamberlain’s closest advisor who was head of the country’s civil service but had no prior diplomatic experience. Wilson was a master of bureaucracy and instrumental in the ongoing and seriously damaging rift between the PM and the foreign office. Both men were careful not to offend the other countries’ dictators by government action or comments in the media, and they failed to appreciate that Hitler and Mussolini were not serious about England’s efforts at either public or back-channel diplomacy. Meanwhile, Wilson’s efforts at propaganda and rearming the Royal Air Force indicated that he was not expecting war.

Chamberlain was vain and saw everything he did as a triumph. He had a forbidding image and had no friends among politicians. By contrast, Wilson had people skills and made many friends among those with whom he worked. But both were definitely convinced that their foreign policy approach was right, despite mounting evidence to the contrary. And both were determined to use almost any means to weaken Churchill’s influence and keep him out of the government, which, of course, was a goal of the Nazi regime as well.

This very readable and detailed description of how policy was made and implemented gives us a unique way to look at fateful decisions that helped advance events leading to World War II.

When Neville Chamberlain became prime minister in May 1937, he faced a growing threat to Great Britain’s security from Adolf Hitler’s Germany and Benito Mussolini’s Italy. His strategy was to “appease”—which meant, at that time, “bring peace” or “calm someone who was angry”—those leaders, to…

Review by

Thomas Jefferson wanted his gravestone to acknowledge only three of his many achievements: his authorship of the Declaration of Independence, his authorship of the Virginia Statute for Religious Freedom and his being the “father of the University of Virginia.” Two-time Pulitzer Prize-winning historian Alan Taylor tells about the last of these in his engrossing and disturbing Thomas Jefferson’s Education.

Jefferson, a prominent slave owner, was involved in every aspect of planning for the university, in a society in which slavery dominated everything. How he dealt with his vision for a preeminent institution of higher learning exclusively for young white men, with structures from his complex architectural designs built by enslaved people, makes for compelling reading.

During the 1780s, Jefferson was optimistic that a new generation raised in a free republic would work toward a better society. Later, however, he believed almost all young men who had inherited their fathers’ property and become new leaders in Virginia were arrogant and lazy. Higher education, he thought, could enlighten them to become better legislators.

He dedicated the university to the “illimitable freedom of the human mind,” but he assumed that the free pursuit of truth always led to his own conclusions. He clashed with those who wanted education for people who weren’t the sons of the wealthy and vetoed offering a professorship to a distinguished scholar who differed with him on political philosophy.

He knew emancipation was necessary, but he described black people as “inferior to the whites” and said they would, if freed, seek revenge on their oppressors. Jefferson wished to free and then deport them. In 1808, a freed person sent an anonymous appeal to Jefferson to free his slaves. The writer asked, “Is this the fruits of your education, Sir?” After his death and his estate’s financial collapse, Jefferson’s heirs sold 130 enslaved people from Monticello.

This absorbing narrative offers crucial insights into Jefferson’s thinking as he pursued his vision for what he hoped would be a better future for his state.

Thomas Jefferson wanted his gravestone to acknowledge only three of his many achievements: his authorship of the Declaration of Independence, his authorship of the Virginia Statute for Religious Freedom and his being the “father of the University of Virginia.” Two-time Pulitzer Prize-winning historian Alan Taylor…

Review by

On the Fourth of July in the late 1820s, Frances Wright, a Scottish philanthropist, writer and social reformer, gave what was probably the first public address by a woman in the United States. In it, she warned her audience against a narrow patriotism that worshipped the founders instead of their principles. She encouraged listeners to focus instead on the Constitution’s amendment system, with its expectation of change as the public became more enlightened. Holly Jackson’s magnificent American Radicals tells the story of trailblazers like Wright who sparked a second American revolution in the 19th century and of their profound effect on the course of our history.

This sweeping and briskly told history introduces the many people who have challenged conventional approaches to race, gender, property, labor and religion, and the devastating attacks waged in response by defenders of the status quo. The major figures in public reform are certainly here, but Jackson intentionally focuses on obscure figures who played significant parts.

Among them was George Ripley, who left the Unitarian ministry and, with his wife, founded Brook Farm, a communitarian project whose residents shared domestic and agricultural work equally in an intellectual atmosphere. Nathaniel Hawthorne lived there, and many other visitors came to observe, such as Ralph Waldo Emerson and Margaret Fuller. The theories of Charles Fourier, a French philosopher who felt that “civilization” as it was being practiced was “monstrously defective” and needed major reform, inspired the project. Jackson believes “the impact of Fourier’s thought on American culture has been underestimated, probably because it is difficult to believe that thousands of Americans, including highly educated members of the elite, earnestly embraced these ideas. But they did.” 

This incisive and well-written overview of Americans who protested wrongs in their society deserves a wide readership. Many fine academic studies have covered the subjects here, but this account, written for a general audience, is authoritative and fast-paced and vividly portrays a crucial period.

On the Fourth of July in the late 1820s, Frances Wright, a Scottish philanthropist, writer and social reformer, gave what was probably the first public address by a woman in the United States. In it, she warned her audience against a narrow patriotism that worshipped…

Review by

What does it mean to live in the wake of past crime? Susan Neiman tackles that question in her richly rewarding, consistently stimulating and beautifully written Learning from the Germans: Race and the Memory of Evil.

Neiman is a professional philosopher (director of the Einstein Forum in Potsdam, Germany, in fact) with the skills of an investigative journalist and historian. She deals with the most horrible experiences in the real world—slavery, racism and Nazism—and how we should consider remembering the events and their victims. Her background is unusual: She is a white Jewish woman who grew up in the segregated South in the United States, lived in Israel for several years and has been a resident of Berlin for most of her adult life. 

Alternating background information, firsthand accounts drawn from her many interviews in America and Europe, and insightful analysis, Neiman describes how the German people worked, with great difficulty, to acknowledge the evils their nation committed during the Nazi period. She points out that the highest proportion of Nazi Party members came from the educated classes. After vigorous and ongoing public debate, Germany has made many positive changes in school curricula and elsewhere and constructed the famous Holocaust Memorial in Berlin. German artist Gunter Demnig designed a much smaller but more unsettling reminder, with more than 61,000 “stumbling blocks” hammered into sidewalks in front of buildings where Jews lived before the war. Each plaque lists a name and the dates of birth and deportation.

Nothing comparable on this scale has been done to acknowledge the victims of racism and slavery in the United States. Americans may understand that wrongs were done, but we prefer narratives of progress. Neiman seeks to encourage a discussion of guilt and responsibility as serious as the one in Germany, “not in order to provide a set of directions, but rather a sense of orientation won through reflection that is no less passionate for being nuanced.” She provides the crucial facets of any successful attempt to work off a nation’s criminal past. They include a coherent and widely accepted national narrative that is conveyed by education and appropriate symbols.

Neiman spent an extended period of time in Mississippi interviewing civil rights icons, which gave her valuable insight into what she was up against, as well as hope. She was encouraged during an interview with Bryan Stevenson, the lawyer who founded the Equal Justice Initiative in Montgomery, Alabama, and the creator of what is known informally as the National Lynching Memorial. He is the only public figure on record who has taken Germany’s confrontation with its terrible past as a model for the U.S. He said that nothing similar has been done here because of the lack of shame about what was done. 

This brief overview barely begins to convey the way this disturbing but hopeful and insightful book wrestles with the questions of who we are as human beings and what values we have as a nation. I strongly recommend it. 

What does it mean to live in the wake of past crime? Susan Neiman tackles that question in her richly rewarding, consistently stimulating and beautifully written Learning from the Germans: Race and the Memory of Evil.

Neiman is a professional philosopher (director of the Einstein…

Review by

The liberation of Paris in August 1944 is one of the most compelling World War II stories. It lifted the spirits of the French people and had long-term political implications for them in the postwar world. As noted historian Jean Edward Smith relates in his authoritative and beautifully written The Liberation of Paris, a complex series of decisions, including those by two generals from opposing armies to change their strategies, led to the saving of many lives and the preservation of irreplaceable cultural treasures.

Paris, unlike other cities, was not bombed, but daily life was difficult for everyone except those who had money or collaborated with German occupiers. Thousands of French Jewish citizens and those from other countries residing in Paris were sent to concentration camps. The Germans exploited the French economy and workers. But by 1944, when Parisians understood that the Germans were losing the war, resistance hardened, and Charles de Gaulle, who had established a government in exile, moved in various ways to strengthen his position. General Dwight D. Eisenhower, Supreme Commander of the Allied Forces in Europe, had known de Gaulle before the war, had lived in Paris himself and was aware that partisan conflict in Paris could lead to communist control of the city. Despite opposition from his advisers, Eisenhower agreed to send some Allied troops to help French troops reclaim the city.

At the same time, General Dietrich von Choltitz, the newly named German commandant in Paris, concluded, after a meeting with Adolf Hitler, that his leader was an “insane man.” Although seriously concerned about the fate of his family if anything should go wrong, he defied Hitler’s orders to destroy Paris and got cooperation from most of his fellow officers and diplomats. Time was of the essence, and one wrong move could have doomed the effort.

This expertly crafted narrative is a gem, a model of how important and complex events can be conveyed for enlightenment to a general audience.

The liberation of Paris in August 1944 is one of the most compelling World War II stories. It lifted the spirits of the French people and had long-term political implications for them in the postwar world. As noted historian Jean Edward Smith relates in his authoritative and beautifully written The Liberation of Paris, a complex series of decisions, including those by two generals from opposing armies to change their strategies, led to the saving of many lives and the preservation of irreplaceable cultural treasures.

Review by

During the last 50 years, Western democracies have faced significant stresses and undergone major changes. In his panoramic, well-researched, consistently stimulating transnational history, Empire of Democracy, Simon Reid-Henry, a British writer and scholar, shows in very readable prose how U.S. and European democracies have fared both economically and in regard to equality while building vibrant democratic orders.

The Cold War “was absolutely fundamental to the success of Western democracy post-1945.” The common threads that bound countries together were the relationships between and among capitalism, liberalism and democracy. But there was a continuing need to reinvent democracy. Demonstrations took place during the 1960s in the U.S. and Europe, as students and others protested against the Vietnam War and for civil rights and women’s rights, while movements for workers’ rights and other causes were taking place in France, Germany, Britain, Portugal and Spain. Identity politics emerged, and subjects that had previously been treated as aspects of one’s personal life became political causes. 

Reid-Henry traces the international financial crisis of 2008 to the capitalist structures that have defined Western democracy since the 1970s. The reunification of Germany and the peaceful management of the transition after the fall of communism were major achievements, and much has been written about the close relationship between Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher. But the importance of the cooperation between Germany’s Helmut Kohl and France’s Francois Mitterrand in the 1980s may have been, in its way, just as important.

Today’s democracies must deal with globalization, migration, the environment, international terrorism and threats to democratic rule. There is much to think about in this engrossing overview of how we got to the present.

During the last 50 years, Western democracies have faced significant stresses and undergone major changes. In his panoramic, well-researched, consistently stimulating transnational history, Empire of Democracy, Simon Reid-Henry, a British writer and scholar, shows in very readable prose how U.S. and European democracies have fared both economically and in regard to equality while building vibrant democratic orders.

Review by

Eating fast food unites almost all Americans and, increasingly, many millions more throughout the world. From fast food’s modest origins in the early decades of the 20th century to the huge industry it has become today, we can trace the history of the United States through the development of this popular American institution. With the ability to adapt to changing tastes and trends, to meet the public’s need for something to eat that’s generally inexpensive, quick and the same every time you order it, fast food has become a permanent part of American culture. 

In his enlightening and fun-to-read Drive-Thru Dreams: A Journey Through the Heart of America’s Fast-Food Kingdom, Adam Chandler explores the complex industry that sprang from fry cook Walt Anderson’s “invention” of the hamburger in Wichita, Kansas, in 1916. Anderson’s partnership with real estate developer Billy Ingram led to the establishment of White Castle restaurants, which continue to thrive today and even celebrate their most loyal fans in their Cravers Hall of Fame.

The founders of many fast-food companies came from modest backgrounds, but through sheer determination, hard work and good luck, they achieved success. Colonel Harland Sanders of Kentucky Fried Chicken is the most representative of the American dream in this regard. Despite setbacks that would discourage most people, his secret recipe, colorful personality and keen marketing skills propelled him to succeed.

Ray Kroc was so impressed by the hamburger stand created by Dick and Mac McDonald in California that he bought it from them, and McDonald’s eventually became the greatest fast-food success story of all. Kroc, a former sales representative of paper cups and milkshake machines, was “exacting, fastidious, and cruel” and took pride in saying he made more millionaires than anyone else in the United States.

There is much more here about customer loyalty and fast-food restaurants as meeting places. Based on interviews and careful research, this is a book to savor, especially if you’re a fast-food fan. 

In his enlightening and fun-to-read Drive-Thru Dreams: A Journey Through the Heart of America’s Fast-Food Kingdom, Adam Chandler explores the complex industry that sprang from fry cook Walt Anderson’s “invention” of the hamburger in Wichita, Kansas, in 1916. Anderson’s partnership with real estate developer Billy Ingram led to the establishment of White Castle restaurants, which continue to thrive today and even celebrate their most loyal fans in their Cravers Hall of Fame.

Review by

The Northwest Ordinance of 1787 was one of the most important acts of Congress in our history and crucial to an orderly settlement of the American West. It began taking shape on March 1, 1786, when Revolutionary War veteran General Rufus Putnam convened a meeting at the Bunch-of-Grapes tavern in Boston. The men there devised an ambitious plan to guarantee what would later be known as the American way of life. Veterans would be provided property in the Ohio country as payment for their military services. The conditions of this plan would allow freedom of religion and education but wouldn’t allow slavery. From this meeting, the Ohio Company was formed, coupling the group’s idealism with land speculation.

In his absorbing new book, The Pioneers: The Heroic Story of the Settlers Who Brought the American Ideal West, two-time Pulitzer Prize winner, bestselling author and most readable of historians David McCullough brings to life the story of the courageous men and women who dealt with many hard realities to found the city that became Marietta, Ohio. Letters, diaries, journals and other primary sources give us an intimate portrait of the community. McCullough focuses on five men, quite different from each other, who were instrumental to the venture’s success. Women were responsible for many things, as well, but since they recorded little of their hardships, we have few of their first-person accounts.

Putnam did much of the planning for the first Ohio Company group to settle in the West, and he was their leader. Manasseh Cutler didn’t move to Marietta himself, but his son Ephraim did, and he and Putnam were personally responsible for prohibiting slavery in the new state of Ohio. Joseph Barker, a skilled carpenter, became a notable architect, and Dr. Samuel Hildreth was a pathbreaking physician and an important historian of Marietta.

There’s so much more, including visits from Marquis de Lafayette and John Quincy Adams. And what about Aaron Burr’s trips to the area, the first less than a year after he killed Alexander Hamilton? McCullough has again worked his narrative magic and helped us to better understand those who came before us.

David McCullough brings to life the story of the courageous men and women who dealt with many hard realities to found the city that became Marietta, Ohio.

Sign Up

Stay on top of new releases: Sign up for our newsletter to receive reading recommendations in your favorite genres.

Trending Features