Roger Bishop

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BookPage Top Pick in Nonfiction, March 2018

When John Marshall was appointed as the fourth chief justice of the United States by President John Adams, the Supreme Court had few cases, no genuine authority and met in the basement of the U.S. Capitol. But from 1801 to 1835, the court transformed under Marshall’s leadership, issuing more than 1,000 mostly unanimous decisions, with half of them written by Marshall himself.

The oldest of 15 children, Marshall grew up in a cabin on the Virginia frontier, and his formal education consisted of just one year of grammar school and six weeks of law school. But this lack of schooling did not hinder his ascent: His service in the American Revolution, during which he impressed George Washington; his reputation as an outstanding attorney; his diplomatic mission to France during which he successfully worked to avert war; and his service as Adams’ secretary of state led to his appointment as one of the most influential chief justices in American history.

Joel Richard Paul, a professor of constitutional and international law, compellingly details the path that brought Marshall to the Supreme Court and how he was able to achieve so much while there in the absorbing and aptly titled Without Precedent. Paul sees Marshall as a master of self-invention who “played many parts so well because he was at heart a master actor . . . his gift for illusion transformed not only himself but the Court, the Constitution, and the nation as well.”

Marshall was a Federalist, yet all of the justices selected during his 34-year tenure were not of his party. However, Marshall was not an ideologue, and emphasized moderation, pragmatism and compromise, while regularly employing his rare gift for friendship to reach consensus. As chief justice, Marshall was able to establish an independent judiciary system and assured the supremacy of the federal Constitution.

Highlights of the book include Paul’s illuminating discussions of major court decisions; Marshall’s devotion to his beloved wife, Polly, who was ill for most of their married lives; Marshall’s long-running differences with his cousin Thomas Jefferson; and his friendship with Jefferson’s ally, James Madison. This engrossing account of a key figure in our early history makes for excellent reading.

 

This article was originally published in the March 2018 issue of BookPage. Download the entire issue for the Kindle or Nook.

When John Marshall was appointed as the fourth chief justice of the United States by President John Adams, the Supreme Court had few cases, no genuine authority and met in the basement of the U.S. Capitol. But from 1801 to 1835, the court transformed under Marshall’s leadership, issuing more than 1,000 mostly unanimous decisions, with half of them written by Marshall himself.

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When political leaders in America and abroad search for successful historical precedents for solutions to crises, we sometimes hear calls for “a new Marshall Plan.” That is not an easily attainable goal. The conditions and personalities that made the original plan possible were unique to a post-World War II world, as Benn Steil explains in his compelling, authoritative and lucid The Marshall Plan: Dawn of the Cold War.

By 1947, many of President Truman’s top advisers saw the unity of the Western world and its recovery as the only way to avert another major U.S. military commitment in Europe. Secretary of State George C. Marshall was tasked with creating a plan to stabilize Europe. What began as a humanitarian effort to assist Germany and our European allies—who were on the edge of economic, social and political collapse at the end of WWII—became a serious challenge to Joseph Stalin’s plans for taking over Europe and instituting communism. The crisis that ensued gave birth to the Cold War.

Steil’s superb narrative combines diplomatic, economic and political history with descriptions of such episodes as the Berlin Airlift, along with vivid portraits of the diverse primary personalities, who were often at odds with each other. Key shapers of the Marshall Plan included Ambassador to the Soviet Union George F. Kennan, who brought brilliant insights and a diplomatic strategy; William L. Clayton, who gave it economic principles; and future Secretary of State Dean Acheson, who delivered a speech Truman later referred to as “the prologue to the Marshall Plan.” As essential as anyone was Senator Arthur Vandenberg, a Republican from Michigan, who shepherded appropriate legislation through the Republican-controlled Congress. George Marshall later reflected that without Vandenberg, “the plan would not have succeeded.”

The Marshall Plan was followed by the founding of NATO and the European Union, important legacies that continue today. This dramatic and engaging account of one of the most complex but enduring achievements of American foreign policy deserves a wide readership.

When political leaders in America and abroad search for successful historical precedents for solutions to crises, we sometimes hear calls for “a new Marshall Plan.” That is not an easily attainable goal. The conditions and personalities that made the original plan possible were unique to a post-World War II world, as Benn Steil explains in his compelling, authoritative and lucid The Marshall Plan: Dawn of the Cold War.

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The most important changes in history have often been achieved by networks of informally organized groups of people rather than by hierarchies led by monarchs and governments. In his sweeping, stimulating and enlightening The Square and the Tower, noted historian Niall Ferguson draws from a wide range of sources to trace the crucial role that different kinds of human networks have played throughout history.

Social network-based revolutions greatly transformed Western civilization, and Ferguson offers several convincing cases, such as the Reformation, the Scientific Revolution and the Enlightenment, which were all the product of networks. For example, no ruler ordered the massive changes wrought in the Industrial Revolution. Instead, they occurred through the combining of capital and technological networks with networks of kinship, friendship and shared religion. Another example is the collapse of communism, as revolutions are networked phenomena. Individual leaders were important, but the growing number of citizens willing to stand against their governments was what fatally weakened the Eastern European regimes.

Ferguson’s superb, thought-provoking book brings these events vividly to life and will help readers view history from a unique perspective.

 

This article was originally published in the January 2018 issue of BookPage. Download the entire issue for the Kindle or Nook.

The most important changes in history have often been achieved by networks of informally organized groups of people rather than by hierarchies led by monarchs and governments. In his sweeping, stimulating and enlightening The Square and the Tower, noted historian Niall Ferguson draws from a wide range of sources to trace the crucial role that different kinds of human networks have played throughout history.

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Edward Garnett, a reader with exquisite taste, a perceptive critic and a writer, played a crucial role in the literary history of Britain between 1887 and 1937. His unique talent for recognizing and promoting future noteworthy authors is legendary, and he became many writers’ devoted friend and editor. Those authors include Joseph Conrad, Robert Frost, D. H. Lawrence, John Galsworthy, Stephen Crane, Sarah Orne Jewett and more. E. M. Forster noted: "[Garnett] has done more than any living writer to discover and encourage the genius of other writers, and he has done it all without any desire for personal prestige."

Helen Smith's absorbing An Uncommon Reader: A Life of Edward Garnett captures Garnett’s extraordinary life and times. Smith’s extensive research includes fascinating excerpts of letters and recollections of Garnett’s friends.

Garnett insisted he was an "outsider," by which he meant "outside all coteries and collections of people," as a reader and critic. But he was well connected in the literary world. His father was Keeper of Printed Books at the British Museum, and Garnett’s wife, Constance, was well known for her groundbreaking translations of Russian classics into English. She and Garnett led quite interesting and unorthodox lives, which Smith discusses in detail.

As an author himself, Garnett was often disappointed. His novels, poems and plays were not successful, although his reviews, essays and short author biographies were generally well received. The discovery of a writer was always the greatest pleasure of Garnett's professional life.

This enlightening and intimate biography looks behind the scenes to show how much time and effort went into the making and maintenance of promising , sometimes struggling, writers who became prominent authors.

Edward Garnett, a reader with exquisite taste, a perceptive critic and a writer, played a crucial role in the literary history of Britain between 1887 and 1937. His unique talent for recognizing and promoting future noteworthy authors is legendary, and he became many writers’ devoted friend and editor.

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Franklin Delano Roosevelt was elected President four times, led the country through the Great Depression and World War II, and died after constructing the framework for a postwar world. Despite facing challenges and much criticism, Roosevelt was immensely successful. Presidential historian Robert Dallek makes a strong case for how he found success in his splendid Franklin D. Roosevelt: A Political Life. Roosevelt “was an instinctively brilliant politician;” virtually everything he said and did was to serve political ends. Beyond his personal complexity and ability to keep his own counsel, he had an intuitive sense of timing and used his charm and guile effectively. Although he had firm convictions about public policy, he was careful not to get too far ahead of public opinion.

Dallek covers Roosevelt’s entire personal and political life, including the influence of Roosevelt’s mother, his often awkward marriage to Eleanor, his struggle with polio, his close friendship with his cousin Daisy Suckley and other confidantes, such as Missy LeHand, his long-serving and devoted secretary.

Dallek is the author of the Bancroft Prize-winning Franklin D. Roosevelt and American Foreign Policy, 1932-1945, and his sections on the subject of foreign policy are outstanding. Roosevelt’s approach to strong isolationism in the 1930s and his complicated relations with Churchill and Stalin are covered in significant detail. Roosevelt’s most controversial decisions, such as his response (or failure to respond adequately) to the Holocaust and the internment of Japanese Americans in camps were made for political reasons, Dallek argues.

This book is authoritative, insightful and consistently interesting.

Franklin Delano Roosevelt was elected President four times, led the country through the Great Depression and World War II, and died after constructing the framework for a postwar world. Despite facing challenges and much criticism, Roosevelt was immensely successful. Presidential historian Robert Dallek makes a strong case for how he found success in his splendid Franklin D. Roosevelt: A Political Life.

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When he was a student at Harvard in the 1930s, Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. decided that history was “the only possible career” for him. But he wanted to be part of the political world as well. During the next 70 years, he played a unique role in American life as a historian-participant. Acknowledged as one of the foremost historians and public intellectuals of the postwar era, he received two Pulitzer Prizes (his first, for The Age of Jackson, was awarded when he was 28) and two National Book Awards. He expressed his views as a liberal activist in books and essays and as a speechwriter for presidential candidate Adlai Stevenson. But he is perhaps best known for his work as a special assistant to President John Kennedy and author of A Thousand Days, a Pulitzer winner and bestselling account of life in the Kennedy administration. The book remains a primary source for the Kennedy legacy, and it brought him both praise and criticism as one of the great political image-makers.

Historian Richard Aldous brings the man and his extraordinary life of influence and controversy vividly to life in his meticulously researched and consistently enlightening Schlesinger: The Imperial Historian. Early in Schlesinger’s life, he became a keen observer and literary stylist. In the White House, Kennedy sought his counsel on some contemporary matters, but Kennedy had a longer view in mind, for as the president often said, “history depends on who writes it.” A Harvard professor and the author of highly regarded books on Frederick D. Roosevelt, whose work JFK admired and whom he liked as a person, seemed like the perfect White House historian. Kennedy told Schlesinger that his most important job was to keep a record of administration activity. The historian set up procedures to capture information and always kept index cards with him.

Schlesinger’s opposition to the Vietnam War and his books, including The Imperial Presidency and his biography of Robert Kennedy, are also explored in detail in this insightful and engaging look at one of the most influential historians of his time.

Historian Richard Aldous brings historian Arthur Schlesinger Jr. and his extraordinary life of influence and controversy vividly to life in his meticulously researched and consistently enlightening Schlesinger: The Imperial Historian.

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Between the end of the Civil War and the beginning of a new century, a great transformation—technological, economic, social, cultural, religious and political—took place in the United States. The rise of wage labor led to bitter union and management confrontations. Reformers crusaded for women’s suffrage and Prohibition. Reconstruction brought official gains against slavery, but racism continued against black, Native American and Chinese populations. Contemporaneous historian of the time Henry Adams, from the family of early Adams presidents, believed that by the 1870s, American governance and even democracy itself had failed. The war had extended the role of the federal government, and there was widespread corruption in business and government, while capitalism thrived.

The latest title in the Oxford History of the United States series is the superb The Republic for Which It Stands: The United States during Reconstruction and the Gilded Age, 1865-1896 by acclaimed historian Richard White. His brilliant and sweeping exploration focuses on the big picture as well as on individuals, including the true stories behind legends like John Henry, Buffalo Bill and another courageous and very impressive Henry Adams, a freed slave who fought racism in Louisiana. White touches on some deeply ingrained myths. “There is probably no greater irony than the emergence of the cowboy as the epitome of American individualism because cattle raising quickly became corporate.” The American West, often regarded as the heartland of individualism, was where some of the first government bureaucracies began. Railroads also were a symbol of the age, but they proved to be dangerous workplaces where a high number of fatalities occurred in the course of routine work. Railroads were often in financial distress, and by 1895, 25 percent of them were in receivership.

White’s masterful book offers a treasure trove of information about a pivotal time in American history, crafted with a compelling combination of well-written recreations of events and careful analysis based on the latest historical research. The Republic for Which It Stands is the best available guide to the period.

 

This article was originally published in the September 2017 issue of BookPage. Download the entire issue for the Kindle or Nook.

White’s masterful book offers a treasure trove of information about a pivotal time in American history, crafted with a compelling combination of well-written recreations of events and careful analysis based on the latest historical research. The Republic for Which It Stands is the best available guide to the period.

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Edwin Stanton, Abraham Lincoln's secretary of war, was very controversial. An effective administrator even while working under great pressure, he was lauded as crucial to the Union's success during the Civil War and for his leadership in initiating the Freedmen's Bureau. But he was criticized for his judgment, including the arrest and imprisonment of thousands for alleged "war crimes." Although they were not close friends, Lincoln spent more working time with Stanton than with any other cabinet member. One of Lincoln's private secretaries wrote that Lincoln "loved" and "trusted" Stanton and supported him despite withering attacks on some of his decisions.

In his compelling Stanton: Lincoln's War Secretary, Walter Stahr explores the life and work of this powerful man who was described by Lincoln's secretary of state, William Seward, as "good-hearted, devoted, patriotic," and "irritable, capricious, uncomfortable," who could be rude to everyone. Stanton was a surprise choice for the position when he was named the administration's second secretary of war, in 1861. One of the top lawyers in the country, he was a Democrat who served briefly as attorney general in President James Buchanan's administration. Among his primary responsibilities for Lincoln: persuade Congress to provide needed military funds; work effectively with governors who were responsible for army recruitment; cultivate editors and reporters because of the importance of public opinion; work with the president and generals on effective military strategy; and cooperate with other cabinet members on policy.

Stahr describes in detail the major role Stanton played after Lincoln was shot. A doctor attending Lincoln said that after the assassination, Stanton became "in reality the acting president of the United States." He took steps to protect the district and government leaders, informed military leaders and the press about Lincoln's death, and initiated the manhunt for the killer. Loyal to Lincoln's policies, after the war Stanton's differences with Andrew Johnson over policy implementation led to the latter's impeachment trial.

Stahr, author of the critically acclaimed and bestselling Seward: Lincoln's Indispensable Man, knows the Lincoln presidency well, and this new book brings vividly to life an often overlooked figure who made major contributions to the Lincoln presidency.

In his compelling Stanton: Lincoln's War Secretary, Walter Stahr explores the life and work of this powerful man.

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Patrick Henry is best known for his defiant words delivered in a May 1775 speech: “I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!” In his authoritative, detailed and absorbing Patrick Henry: Champion of Liberty, Jon Kukla explores Henry’s crucial public roles as an early leader of opposition to the Stamp Act and other repressive measures, as well as a key legislative strategist, an outstanding orator and, perhaps most importantly, a very effective five-term governor of Virginia, his first election to the position coming in 1776. At that time, Henry’s priority was to win the war against Britain and support the Congress and George Washington. After the war, Henry dealt with difficult situations of state and national authority including Native American warfare and a congressional conspiracy against Virginia’s vast western expansion interests.

Washington and Henry were colleagues for years in politics and war, a relationship that was strengthened by Henry’s loyal support of Washington in 1777-78 during an alleged plot to replace him as military commander. The mutual trust remained despite, 10 years later, Washington’s favoring of and Henry’s opposition to the ratification of the Constitution. Henry’s opposition was based on his ideas of liberty and federalism and his fear that the national government would become too powerful. He was instrumental in pushing for a Bill of Rights before James Madison championed the idea. As president, Washington offered Henry positions as secretary of state and as ambassador to Spain, but he declined both.

Henry was increasingly distressed as party politics came to play a more important role in governmental decisions. Henry and Washington felt that true patriots should be able to rise above partisan politics and make decisions based on disinterested commitment to the welfare of the community.

Kukla’s vivid recreation of Henry’s life and times enlightens readers about a man who was much more than his courageous words spoken in 1775.

 

This article was originally published in the July 2017 issue of BookPage. Download the entire issue for the Kindle or Nook.

Patrick Henry is best known for his defiant words delivered in a May 1775 speech: “I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!” In his authoritative, detailed and absorbing Patrick Henry: Champion of Liberty, Jon Kukla explores Henry’s crucial public roles as an early leader of opposition to the Stamp Act and other repressive measures, as well as a key legislative strategist, an outstanding orator and, perhaps most importantly, a very effective five-term governor of Virginia, his first election to the position coming in 1776.

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Benjamin Franklin’s public life as scientist, inventor, diplomat, publisher and author, among other activities, is well known. His private life, however, is another matter. Franklin had a complex relationship with his family, and while in his 20s and married, he fathered an illegitimate son, William, whom he adopted. They enjoyed a close relationship for many years, the son assisting his father with scientific and diplomatic matters, performing admirably in the military and impressing many with his intelligence and charm.

Their relationship changed dramatically with the coming of the American Revolution. As Daniel Mark Epstein demonstrates in his well-researched and absorbing The Loyal Son, their decisions to support opposite sides in the conflict led to an irreparable break. By 1776, William was Royal Governor of New Jersey, a post he did not want to give up, and Benjamin had many important responsibilities in the years ahead, including the chairmanship of the Continental Congress’ Committee of Secret Correspondence, the “first CIA.” William was imprisoned for a significant period, under difficult circumstances, but was eventually released thanks to the efforts of Benjamin’s friends and allies. Even then, William volunteered for additional efforts for the Empire.

Epstein, the author of many books, including the acclaimed The Lincolns, offers a balanced, nuanced study, sympathetic to but not uncritical of either man. Shortly before he died, Benjamin wrote to his son, “nothing has ever hurt me so much . . . as to find myself deserted in my old age by my only son; and not only deserted, but to find him taking up arms against me, in a cause wherein my good fame, fortune, and life were all at stake.”

The gripping narrative illustrates the public issues that drove the father and son apart and illuminates in detail the agonizing cost to each man.

 

This article was originally published in the June 2017 issue of BookPage. Download the entire issue for the Kindle or Nook.

Benjamin Franklin’s public life as scientist, inventor, diplomat, publisher and author, among other activities, is well known. His private life, however, is another matter. Franklin had a complex relationship with his family, and while in his 20s and married, he fathered an illegitimate son, William, whom he adopted. They enjoyed a close relationship for many years, the son assisting his father with scientific and diplomatic matters, performing admirably in the military and impressing many with his intelligence and charm. Their relationship changed dramatically with the coming of the American Revolution.

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In 1849, after serving one term in the U. S. Congress, Abraham Lincoln returned home to Springfield, Illinois, to resume his law practice. In retrospect, Lincoln portrayed himself during the years after his return as virtually retired from politics. But as an astute and well-connected political strategist, concerned about the future of the country, he also remained involved in public life. He and his law partner, William Herndon, had the best private library in town, subscribed to many newspapers and journals from around the country, and both regularly wrote anonymous editorials for a Whig Party newspaper. As Herndon pointed out about Lincoln, “He was always calculating, and always planning ahead. His ambition was a little engine that knew no rest.” In his magnificent Wrestling With His Angel: The Political Life of Abraham Lincoln Vol. 2, 1849-1856, Sidney Blumenthal explores in superbly researched and beautifully written detail the crucial period when “Lincoln’s public and private statements” began to reflect “a moderate politician with radical thoughts.” Events in Washington and elsewhere threatened to tear the country apart over the extension of slavery in the West. And the Whig Party, for years Lincoln’s political home, was collapsing and the Republican Party was being established.       

Lincoln’s personal experience also shaped his thought. A turning point came in autumn of 1849 when he was in Kentucky, a state that was supposed to be an example to guide other Southern states to move slowly toward emancipation. Instead, he saw the ruthlessness of the pro-slavery forces crush the benevolent paternalism and gradual emancipation plans of Lincoln’s political hero, Henry Clay. Several months later the Compromise of 1850 passed the Congress and President Millard Fillmore proclaimed it a “permanent settlement” of the extension of slavery question. The landslide victory of Franklin Pierce in 1852 seemed to confirm this judgment. But not for long.

Excerpts from Lincoln’s speeches and other writings reflect his deep understanding of the racist undercurrents of his time and the strong tensions between and among various political groups. His outstanding abilities as a thinker and his elegant mode of expression are also revealed. The best example of this is a speech delivered in Springfield in 1854, almost 17,000 words in published form, probably the longest he ever delivered, which laid the foundation for his politics through 1860. Lincoln delivered the speech several times and in longer versions. It is an early (that is before the more celebrated Lincoln-Douglas debates of 1858), devastating critique of Stephen A. Douglas’s defense of slavery and, among other points, presented his understanding that the founding generation tolerated slavery only by “necessity,” because it already existed and went to great lengths to limit it with the goal of ending it. The excerpts from the speech and Blumenthal’s masterly description and analysis of it make for great reading.

The first volume of Blumenthal’s projected four-volume biography, A Self-Made Man: The Political Life of Abraham Lincoln, 1809-1849, was widely praised by Lincoln scholars and many other reviewers. This second volume, by a writer with years of experience as a political journalist and presidential advisor, is also extremely well done, and anyone interested in Lincoln’s political career will want to read it.     

In his magnificent Wrestling With His Angel: The Political Life of Abraham Lincoln Vol. 2, 1849-1856, Sidney Blumenthal explores in superbly researched and beautifully written detail the crucial period when “Lincoln’s public and private statements” began to reflect “a moderate politician with radical thoughts.”
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Jonathan Swift is often regarded as the finest satirist in the English language. He was a complex, fascinating and perplexing mixture of literary genius and contradictions in almost every aspect of his life. John Stubbs brilliantly captures all of this in his marvelously detailed and richly rewarding Jonathan Swift: The Reluctant Rebel. An intrepid researcher, Stubbs, the author of the award-winning John Donne: The Reformed Soul (described by Harold Bloom as “an exemplary literary biography”) mines many sources to give us a vivid portrait of his subject. Swift had “a tendency to love and hate things simultaneously, to grow attached to what he once despised and vice versa, and forget the opposite was ever true.”

If Swift had stopped writing in 1714 when he was 47 years old he would be remembered primarily as an excellent conservative writer and a defender of causes that often had reactionary sources and tangents. He had completed almost four years as an apologist and propagandist for the government in London and returned to his native Dublin, where he had been appointed Dean of St. Patrick’s Cathedral, a reward for his services to the Tory administration. His most famous work, Gulliver’s Travels, implicitly based on the vice and short-sightedness that he had observed in government, was still to come. When he was writing his masterpiece, he noted, “The chief end I propose to myself in all my labors is to vex the world rather than divert it.”

Swift’s “public career makes sense only when one understands the two desires he managed to harness together: an urge to dole out punishment and an irresistible delight in making mischief.” He was often disappointed, whether by his parents and relatives and the fact that he was born in Ireland and not in England, bothered by ill health, or that he failed to obtain a higher position in the Church. “At one and the same moment he was a stern authoritarian and a daring cultural bandit,” Stubbs writes.

Swift never married, but his best friend was Esther Johnson, whom he met at the home of statesman and man of letters Sir John Temple when Swift and Esther’s mother were on the staff there. When Esther was 20, he arranged for her and a companion, Mrs. Dingley, to move to Dublin, where they lived apart from him. The three of them often visited, always the three (sometimes including another person if Mrs. Dingley was not available) and Swift enjoyed Esther’s “turn of phrase, force of character, and intolerance of fools.” While he was away in London, he exchanged letters with Esther and she became the “Stella” of his Journal to Stella, in which he detailed his years in government. He did not believe in gender equality, but “he was keen to liberate women from being regarded as brittle idols or mere social accessories.”

Stubbs writes, “Almost every paragraph Swift wrote is multi-nuanced beyond definition or paraphrase, even though a ‘message’ is invariably clear.” His career as an essayist, poet, cleric and political pamphleteer demonstrated “the altogether inadequate expectations a moral person might have of life in this world.” But as his writings show, he dealt with that circumstance not by complaining or roaring, offering instead “a liberty of chiding, deriding, cajoling, bridling, impersonating, inverting, building up and laying bare; a liberty of making the powerful seem less so.”

This absorbing biography immerses us deeply in Swift’s world and is highly recommended.

Jonathan Swift is often regarded as the finest satirist in the English language. He was a complex, fascinating and perplexing mixture of literary genius and contradictions in almost every aspect of his life. John Stubbs brilliantly captures all of this in his marvelously detailed and richly rewarding Jonathan Swift: The Reluctant Rebel. An intrepid researcher, Stubbs, the author of the award-winning John Donne: The Reformed Soul (described by Harold Bloom as “an exemplary literary biography”) mines many sources to give us a vivid portrait of his subject. Swift had “ a tendency to love and hate things simultaneously, to grow attached to what he once despised and vice versa, and forget the opposite was ever true.”

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When a presidential campaign is over and the winning candidate is in the White House, he (and in the future, she) must face the difficult task of turning political rhetoric into concrete legislation or executive action. Presidents get accustomed to people agreeing with them, but it is imperative that the top elected official in the land has someone with the authority to challenge the president. He or she must be willing to “speak truth to power” when problems emerge and must be ready to accept the blame when things go wrong, but be certain that when things go well, the president is the one who receives credit.

For many years that person has been the White House chief of staff. With his carefully researched, bipartisan and eminently readable The Gatekeepers: How the White House Chiefs of Staff Define Every Presidency, Chris Whipple has written a must-read book for all who want a backstage view of the presidency, from the Richard Nixon years through Barack Obama’s two terms. Based on extensive, intimate interviews with all 17 living former chiefs of staff, former presidents Jimmy Carter and George H.W. Bush, and many others, this is a treasure trove of ­experiences. James Baker, chief of staff for Ronald Reagan, who later served as treasury secretary and secretary of state, says a strong argument can be made that the position is the “second-most-powerful job in government.” Forty years after he served as Gerald Ford’s chief of staff, Donald Rumsfeld said the position was “unquestionably the toughest job I ever had,” despite later serving as secretary of defense under two presidents.

Whipple is an acclaimed writer, documentary filmmaker and multiple Peabody and Emmy Award-winning producer at CBS’ “60 Minutes” and ABC’s “Primetime.” The remarkably candid interviews and reader-friendly narrative of this book make for very informative and entertaining reading.

This article was originally published in the April 2017 issue of BookPage. Download the entire issue for the Kindle or Nook.

When a presidential campaign is over and the winning candidate is in the White House, he (and in the future, she) must face the difficult task of turning political rhetoric into concrete legislation or executive action. Presidents get accustomed to people agreeing with them, but it is imperative that the top elected official in the land has someone with the authority to challenge the president. He or she must be willing to “speak truth to power” when problems emerge and must be ready to accept the blame when things go wrong, but be certain that when things go well, the president is the one who receives credit.

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