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When Merriam-Webster announced the new words included in its 2012 Collegiate Dictionary—entries that included “sexting” and “energy drink”—the news was greeted quietly, perhaps because most of us understand how language evolves. Slang makes its way to grandparents; jargon becomes commonplace. Or maybe we’ve exhausted our anger.

Tolerance was in short supply 51 years ago when Webster’s Third New International Dictionary caused the intellectual, journalistic and academic worlds to go nuts over one little word—and a change in the dictionary’s philosophy. David Skinner traces the evolution of this language battle in The Story of Ain’t, a fascinating, highly entertaining cultural history that will enchant an audience beyond word nerds.

Webster’s Third hit shelves in 1961, 27 years after the release of Webster’s Second. In the intervening years, World War II, pop culture and other changes had broadened the language. Plus, many researchers had concluded that defining the “right way” to speak English was, at best, an elusive concept.

Editor Philip Gove decided that Webster’s, the leading dictionary of the day, would fit these less formal times. He updated the literary references, shortened the definitions and steered the book away from its encyclopedic past. Even the pronunciation key was dumped. The response to this new approach was met with an anger that rose to pitchfork-carrying levels when the press release for the new dictionary focused on the premiere of “ain’t.” The sloppily prepared release portrayed the word as a staple of educational speakers, neglecting to mention that “a substandard label was attached” to the word in the Webster’s Third entry.

Despite the title, the scandal over “ain’t” is not the book’s best part. It’s the way in which Skinner nimbly, concisely—and without academic dryness—traces the everyday changes that shaped what came out of Americans’ mouths and into our dictionaries. Ain’t that something?

When Merriam-Webster announced the new words included in its 2012 Collegiate Dictionary—entries that included “sexting” and “energy drink”—the news was greeted quietly, perhaps because most of us understand how language evolves. Slang makes its way to grandparents; jargon becomes commonplace. Or maybe we’ve exhausted our…

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It’s one of the great lingering conundrums of American history: How is it that the man who wrote the Declaration of Independence was a lifelong owner of slaves?

George Washington freed his slaves in his will, after his relatives talked him out of doing it during his lifetime. Not Thomas Jefferson, in life or death. Instead, he collateralized them to borrow the money to rebuild Monticello, and left writings that were all over the map: pro-emancipation, anti-emancipation and everything in between.

Before the civil rights movement, historians tended to ignore or cover up the reality of Jefferson’s slave ownership. More recent ones have wrestled with it. Author Henry Wiencek, who wrote about Washington’s decision in An Imperfect God, doesn’t think it’s that complicated. In his persuasive Master of the Mountain, he concludes that Jefferson realized quite quickly that slave ownership could be extremely profitable. He consciously chose money over morality and spent the rest of his life pretending otherwise to his liberal European friends. “Jefferson constantly moved the boundaries on his moral map to make the horrific tolerable to him,” Wiencek writes.

Many of Jefferson’s admirers will find this assessment hard to accept. But Wiencek makes a forceful case through a careful description of Jefferson’s records, letters and actions, as well as memoirs by his former slaves and archaeological findings at Monticello. Wiencek argues that Jefferson wasn’t even a particularly kindly master: He was decent enough—usually—to his house servants, but left his field workers to the mercies of overseers whom he himself acknowledged were thugs.

Wiencek is among those who believe Sally Hemings was Jefferson’s slave-mistress and the mother of several of his children, but he doesn’t buy the theory that their relationship was a heartwarming secret romance. Instead, Wiencek goes through the evidence to show that it was likely a more pragmatic bargain.

Master of the Mountain is a remarkable re-creation of Monticello’s economy and culture, and it’s not a positive one. Whether you agree or disagree with Wiencek’s provocative analysis, it’s a book worth taking seriously as we continue to struggle with slavery’s legacy.

It’s one of the great lingering conundrums of American history: How is it that the man who wrote the Declaration of Independence was a lifelong owner of slaves?

George Washington freed his slaves in his will, after his relatives talked him out of doing it during…

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The Count of Monte Cristo is a classic tale of betrayal and revenge, penned by the renowned 19th-century author Alexandre Dumas. But it turns out the novel is not merely fiction; key plot developments were based on the true-life experiences of the author’s father. This is the premise of The Black Count, a new book by Tom Reiss that traces the incredible rise and precipitous fall of Thomas-Alexandre Dumas, the father of author Alexandre Dumas.

In many ways, the life of the elder Dumas mirrors that of Edmond Dantes, the hero of The Count of Monte Cristo. In the novel, Dantes is falsely accused of being a supporter of Napoleon, who has been exiled from France. Dantes is imprisoned for 14 years before escaping and enacting revenge on his accusers.

While some occurrences in Thomas-Alexandre Dumas’ life were not as dramatic as those of the fictional Dantes, other aspects were even more remarkable. Dumas was born in present-day Haiti to a French nobleman and a black slave. Brought to France by his father, the mixed-race Dumas became a general under Napoleon Bonaparte.

But General Dumas’ fortunes abruptly changed. He was captured in Italy, thrown into a dungeon and left to rot. Though he was finally released, he died impoverished and embittered. Perhaps his revenge was achieved with his son’s writing of The Count of Monte Cristo, which takes a critical look at France’s tumultuous political climate.

The Black Count is a thoroughly researched, lively piece of nonfiction that will be savored by fans of Alexandre Dumas. But The Black Count needs no partner: It is fascinating enough to stand on its own.

The Count of Monte Cristo is a classic tale of betrayal and revenge, penned by the renowned 19th-century author Alexandre Dumas. But it turns out the novel is not merely fiction; key plot developments were based on the true-life experiences of the author’s father. This…

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In 1952, with the Cold War beginning and a hot war raging in Korea, American voters sought a leader whose foreign policy could bring peace and security. Toward that end, they elected war hero Dwight Eisenhower as their president. With an escalating nuclear arms race, Ike found he was the first person in history with the power to destroy the world. As Evan Thomas demonstrates in his riveting Ike’s Bluff, the new president’s single most important preoccupation was avoiding war. How he did it, with subtlety and a pragmatic approach, is the focus of the book.

At the heart of Eisenhower’s strategy on nuclear weapons was confidentiality—he was the only person who knew whether he would drop the bomb. His ability to convince the enemies of the U.S. as well as his own supporters that he would use nuclear weapons was, Thomas writes, “a bluff of epic proportions.” To do this required extraordinary patience and self-discipline.

As Thomas points out, “Eisenhower’s critical insight was that nuclear warfare had made war itself the enemy.”

Thomas shows that Eisenhower’s approach to nuclear weapons would have worked only for him, a highly respected and popular military hero. As Thomas writes, “Ike was more comfortable as a soldier, yet his greatest victories were the wars he did not fight.”

In 1952, with the Cold War beginning and a hot war raging in Korea, American voters sought a leader whose foreign policy could bring peace and security. Toward that end, they elected war hero Dwight Eisenhower as their president. With an escalating nuclear arms race,…

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In 1825, when John Quincy Adams became the sixth president of the United States, he appeared to be as well prepared for the job as anyone could be. A son of the nation’s second president, he was well educated at Harvard; as secretary of state, he wrote what became known as the Monroe Doctrine; and as a U.S. senator, he broke with his party and supported the Louisiana Purchase. Despite this illustrious background, he proved to be the most ineffective president in early American history.

His presidency failed in part because of his own missteps (his inability to relate to the ordinary citizen) and partly by the efforts of his political opponents (primarily supporters of Andrew Jackson). Still, his independence and political courage were remarkable, especially his post-presidential opposition to slavery. Harlow Giles Unger captures the many sides of Adams and his era in the superb John Quincy Adams. A key source is the diary that Adams kept from the age of 10 until his late 70s—14,000 pages in all.

First elected to the Massachusetts legislature in 1802, Adams was regarded as such a nuisance in his home state that his colleagues elected him to the U.S. Senate to get rid of him for at least six years. Instead, Unger writes, Adams began to shock “the nation’s entire political establishment with what became a courageous, lifelong crusade against injustice.”

On his first day in the House of Representatives (the only president who went on to serve in that body), Adams presented 15 petitions calling for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. It was a stunning breach of decorum in a body forbidden by its rules to speak of abolition. In a famous case, he later defended 36 Africans who had been prisoners on the slave ship Amistad.

Eloquent, irritating and fiercely committed to his work, John Quincy Adams lived an extraordinary life, and Unger tells his story convincingly in this compelling narrative.

In 1825, when John Quincy Adams became the sixth president of the United States, he appeared to be as well prepared for the job as anyone could be. A son of the nation’s second president, he was well educated at Harvard; as secretary of state,…

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Some passions die hard. If you’re old enough to recognize the names Le Duc Tho, Salvador Allende and Anatoly Dobrynin without resorting to Wikipedia, you already know what you think of Henry Kissinger. But younger people have no such preconceptions—and the passage of 35 years is probably long enough to open even most older minds about the man who dominated U.S. diplomacy in the early 1970s.

Alistair Horne, a veteran historian whose more recent works have focused on France, believes we’re now at a point when Kissinger’s record can be seen more objectively. Horne has known Kissinger since 1980, and the former secretary of state approached him in 2004 to write his official life. Horne counter-offered: thus, Kissinger: 1973, The Crucial Year.

Like other “years” that have recently attracted writers (1848 springs to mind), 1973 was indeed a doozy. Detente with the Soviet Union and China was in full swing. The U.S. and North Vietnam agreed to a treaty that ended direct American involvement in the Vietnam War, leading to a Nobel Peace Prize for Kissinger and Le Duc Tho. Chilean President Allende was overthrown in a military coup. The Yom Kippur War and subsequent oil embargo began a new era in the Arab-Israeli conflict. Overshadowing everything at home was the Watergate crisis, which both empowered and stymied Kissinger. He was promoted from national security advisor to secretary of state at a time when Nixon, a foreign policy strategic master prone to jealousy of his underling, was in political and personal collapse.

As Horne makes clear, Kissinger was a product of the Cold War generation, and he saw literally every issue through the prism of relations with the Soviets. He failed again and again to heed warnings that Egypt was about to attack Israel, and he initially underestimated President Anwar Sadat’s abilities. But he quickly seized the opportunity to push the Soviets out of the Middle East and make the U.S. the key mediator in the conflict, with mixed consequences that persist today.

Vietnam emerges as Kissinger’s worst failure, though only in part through his own actions. Horne argues that Watergate’s most serious foreign policy impact was to limit the U.S. ability to respond to flagrant North Vietnamese treaty violations, as a Congress hostile to Nixon refused military funding.

If a book on foreign affairs can have lighter moments, they come in Horne’s description of Kissinger’s calamitous “Year of Europe” initiative, which ran aground on British pique, French obstructionism and German Ostpolitik. More seriously, the latest evidence described by Horne suggests that the decision by Kissinger and his top colleagues to respond to what they saw as a Soviet provocation in the Middle East with a DEFCON 3 alert of the U.S. military was an overreaction—the most dangerous point in the Cold War since the Cuban Missile Crisis.

Although Horne is an authorized biographer with full access to Kissinger and his voluminous archives, he is not a hagiographer. He scrupulously goes through the arguments of Kissinger’s critics on the left and the right, and examines the evidence, including newly available Soviet records. He comes to a generally favorable conclusion, but provides readers with enough facts and fair analysis to make up their own minds.

Anne Bartlett is a journalist in Washington, D.C.
 

Some passions die hard. If you’re old enough to recognize the names Le Duc Tho, Salvador Allende and Anatoly Dobrynin without resorting to Wikipedia, you already know what you think of Henry Kissinger. But younger people have no such preconceptions—and the passage of 35 years…

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Famous people cross each other’s paths all the time and end up exchanging views on various topics. No surprise there. What is surprising about Craig Brown’s Hello Goodbye Hello: A Circle of 101 Remarkable Meetings is how artfully he strings these meetings together into an unbroken chain. Brown begins with a 1931 traffic accident involving Adolf Hitler and British playboy John Scott-Ellis, then moves on to an earlier encounter between Scott-Ellis and Rudyard Kipling and from there to a meeting between Kipling and Mark Twain, who, in turn, grants a farewell audience to Helen Keller, and so on. Each account involves a person from the former one. By the time Brown writes his last vignette—reconstructing a 1937 tête-à-tête between the Duchess of Windsor and Hitler—he has completed the circle.

Brown, a London-based satirist, includes in this bounty of historic get-togethers such seemingly disparate pairings as Nancy Reagan and Andy Warhol, Frank Lloyd Wright and Marilyn Monroe, H.G. Wells and Josef Stalin, and Alfred Hitchcock and Raymond Chandler. He enlivens these brief accounts (each precisely 1,001 words long) with smirky asides and breezy footnotes.

In one such note, Brown quotes the Australian comedian Barry Humphries concerning his reaction to meeting playwright Arthur Miller: “When [he] shook my hand,” Humphries recalled, “I could only think that this was the hand that had once cupped the breasts of Marilyn Monroe.”

For the most part, it’s the incongruity of these one-on-ones that interests Brown—and the reader. Why does Groucho Marx persist in discussing King Lear when T.S. Eliot clearly prefers talking about the Marx Brothers movies? Is it conceivable that the 92-year-old philosopher Bertrand Russell is putting the moves on his 22-year-old neighbor, the budding actress Sarah Miles? (Short answer: Oh, yeah.)

There are many personalities chronicled here who won’t be familiar to an American audience, but that doesn’t matter. Brown makes them all come alive.

Famous people cross each other’s paths all the time and end up exchanging views on various topics. No surprise there. What is surprising about Craig Brown’s Hello Goodbye Hello: A Circle of 101 Remarkable Meetings is how artfully he strings these meetings together into an…

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The outline of Henry Hudson that emerges in Half Moon—it’s too scant of detail to call it a portrait—is of a man whose primary attribute was pig-headedness. His historical contributions are less clear. Despite agreeing to specific assignments laid out by those who financed his voyages of exploration, Hudson followed his own instincts and charted his own routes. The upshot of that disposition was that on Sept. 2, 1609, Hudson anchored his ship, the "Half Moon" from which the book takes its title, at the entrance of what is now called the Hudson River.

Knowing Hudson’s course would have alarmed his backers in Amsterdam, who had contracted the English captain to find a shortcut to the Orient by sailing over the top of Russia. During the next three weeks, Hudson would sail the Half Moon up the river as far as present-day Albany. Along the way, he made numerous contacts with the native tribes. Most of these encounters were peaceful, but one led to the death of a crew member and two others to the killing of several natives. Upon his return to Europe, the self-serving Hudson anchored in an English port instead of proceeding to Amsterdam to face the consequences of his failure and “pathological” disobedience.

The next year, Hudson returned to the New World as master of the Discovery. It would be the crafty mariner’s last voyage. After spending a horrendous winter locked in by ice in James Bay, Hudson, his son and seven other men were set adrift by a mutinous crew and never seen again. In try after try, Hudson had failed to discover the illusory Northwest Passage, and he never fully recognized the riches of the territory onto which he stumbled.

As author Douglas Hunter points out, nothing is known about Hudson’s life before 1607 and precious little afterward. If he left logs of his travels, they have not been found. Thus, Hunter relies primarily on the sketchy journal of crew member Robert Juet to chronicle the Half Moon’s voyage and to describe Hudson’s role in directing it. With so little original material to go on, Hunter stretches it out with historical and geographical digressions that enable him to speculate on Hudson’s background, political connections, geographical awareness and motivations. It’s a worthy and admirable effort, but it doesn’t demonstrate that Hudson was especially pivotal in opening up America.

This is a work of painstaking scholarship and detection, but, ultimately, one must ask, “To what end?”

Edward Morris is a writer in Nashville.
 

The outline of Henry Hudson that emerges in Half Moon—it’s too scant of detail to call it a portrait—is of a man whose primary attribute was pig-headedness. His historical contributions are less clear. Despite agreeing to specific assignments laid out by those who financed his…

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Harry Truman liked to drive and once said, “I like roads. I like to move.” So it seemed natural that in the summer of 1953, after serving almost eight years as president (he had been vice president for only 82 days when FDR died), private citizen Truman would drive himself and his wife Bess from their Independence, Missouri, home to New York City and back. Public radio reporter Matthew Algeo retraces their route in Harry Truman’s Excellent Adventure: The True Story of a Great American Road Trip.

During their nearly 2,500-mile roundtrip, the Trumans stayed almost exclusively in family-owned motels or with friends, ate in local restaurants and tried to travel incognito. Such a trip would be impossible today; at the time, former presidents did not have Secret Service protection. Though their itinerary was not made public and the president’s popularity was at an all-time low when he left office, well-wishers and reporters often appeared when the couple stopped, asking for photos or autographs.

Algeo interviewed people who met the Trumans and researched accounts of their travels in local newspapers and other sources. At times, he tells of his own experiences retracing their trip, noting, for example, that only one of the mom-and-pop businesses the Trumans are known to have patronized is still in business and owned by the same family. But Harry Truman’s Excellent Adventure is more than a travelogue. Algeo adroitly gives us relevant background about Truman’s personal and public life, especially his presidency, and explains the trip within the context of the 1950s—roads were often in poor condition; cars did not have seat belts, air conditioning or air bags—and American history generally. Among many examples of the latter is the story of the Pennsylvania Turnpike.

This very readable book takes us back to a country quite different in many ways from today. Readers will almost feel like they’re sitting in the back seat of that 1953 Chrysler, enjoying the trip.

Roger Bishop recently road tripped to New Mexico to visit his grandson.

Harry Truman liked to drive and once said, “I like roads. I like to move.” So it seemed natural that in the summer of 1953, after serving almost eight years as president (he had been vice president for only 82 days when FDR died), private…

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Journalist and historian Vincent J. Cannato’s American Passage: The History of Ellis Island is about an uncertain chapter in America’s past, one most people might automatically deem unfair or at least depressing. But, as the saying goes: it is what it is. When put into its proper context, as Cannato sure-handedly does, Ellis Island’s desultory existence emerges as a functional, if flawed, reality of its time, when millions of immigrants sought wholesale entry into the U.S.

The huddled masses yearning to be free certainly figure into Cannato’s narrative, but they’re only the pawns in the game. We don’t get to them for a while anyway, as the author first offers an overview of New York Harbor’s island system, plus background on what was formerly known as Gibbet Island, used as a place for hanging pirates in the early 19th century and later as a munitions depot. Immigration was handled loosely back then, but as the influx of Europeans to the Land of Liberty increased heading toward the 20th century, so did point-of-entry corruption and exploitation, not to mention Anglo-Saxon xenophobia and nativist fears about diseased, lunatic, criminal and poverty-stricken aliens infiltrating the shores. (On the other hand, big business was licking its chops at the prospect of cheap labor. Sound familiar?)

Indeed, 12 million immigrants washed through Ellis Island’s portals from 1892 to 1924, and Cannato trenchantly outlines the political, administrative and public policy ideas behind its operation, while also introducing readers to a host of government officials heretofore little-known, such as longtime Ellis Island commissioner William Williams, who was a stickler when it came to “tightening the sieve that would strain out larger numbers of undesirable immigrants.” There are sad stories about Ellis Island, some recounted here. Some folks were sent back from whence they came, some died in detention, sometimes families were split up. But much of the anecdotal reportage only seems to reinforce with some logic the notion that, faced with an onslaught of potential new citizens, any government might want to rightfully process them systematically. (And by the way, Cannato says Ellis Island officials did not change people’s names; they hardly had time enough to deal with all the human bodies and the appropriate settlement issues. Most immigrants who changed their names did so later on of their own accord or at the urging of relatives or friends.)

After World War I, and with immigration on the decline, the U.S. turned to the so-called consulate system for screening newcomers, which rendered Ellis Island generally irrelevant, though it continued to function through the years as a detention center, including during World War II and the Cold War. In the 1950s, it went up for sale. Finding no takers at the government’s asking price, and after a few more decades of federal indecision, it finally was remade into a museum in 1990, now attracting two million visitors a year.

Rather than tug at heartstrings about the great melting pot experience, American Passage focuses instead on delivering a well-written and thoroughly researched text about the workings of a uniquely historical bureaucracy, the development and reform of early immigration law, the sociopolitical impulses that fueled a teeming era—and a strange little island whose place in our history is now only a faraway memory.

Martin Brady writes from Nashville.

Journalist and historian Vincent J. Cannato’s American Passage: The History of Ellis Island is about an uncertain chapter in America’s past, one most people might automatically deem unfair or at least depressing. But, as the saying goes: it is what it is. When put into…

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Until the mid-19th century, the only way to obtain a divorce in England was through a private act of Parliament. Given the difficulty of such a process, it made divorce effectively impossible for anyone but the rich and powerful.

Then, in 1858, came the revolution: Divorce Court. The unhappy rushed to take advantage of the new law, and domestic secrets were exposed to all. Perhaps the most sensational resulting scandal involved Henry and Isabel Robinson, the subject of Kate Summerscale’s riveting Mrs Robinson’s Disgrace: The Private Diary of a Victorian Lady.

It started when Henry Robinson, a prosperous manufacturer, read his wife’s secret diary and found what he believed was evidence of her infidelity with a respected doctor who ran a flourishing health spa. Henry filed for divorce, naming the doctor as co-respondent. With the diary—emotional, erotic, but not specific—as evidence, the newly appointed divorce judges had to decide whether the marriage should end and who should pay the cost.

Summerscale, whose earlier book The Suspicions of Mr Whicher, focused on the same period, has found a story that wonderfully encapsulates much of the social ferment of the time. Isabel was a talented but frustrated woman whose friends were among the progressive intelligentsia. Her marriage a disaster, she lost her religious faith and found comfort in phrenology. Her putative lover—who denied everything and told everyone she was crazy—was a pioneer in health care.

Summerscale uses the diary, private letters, newspaper stories and public documents to seamlessly and dispassionately tell Isabel’s still-poignant story.

Until the mid-19th century, the only way to obtain a divorce in England was through a private act of Parliament. Given the difficulty of such a process, it made divorce effectively impossible for anyone but the rich and powerful.

Then, in 1858, came the revolution: Divorce…

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During the period from 1800 to 1835, what was then called Washington City underwent significant social change with regard to slavery. It came to offer more opportunities for free African Americans than any other place in the country, with the possible exception of New Orleans. In 1800 when the city was established, enslaved people outnumbered free blacks by four-to-one. By 1830, free blacks outnumbered those enslaved. Of course, this was also the national capital for slaveholders, and slave trafficking was a thriving enterprise.

In 1829, Beverly Snow, a recently freed slave with extraordinary talents, arrived from Lynchburg, Virginia. He had exceptional cooking skills and a friendly, outgoing manner of wit and charm. After several years of hard work he realized his dream to own and operate his own elegant restaurant, Snow’s Epicurean Eating House. A keen business sense and an amazing ability for promotion helped the restaurant to become an incredibly successful venture. His customers included some of the nation’s most influential people, and the restaurant offered a convivial atmosphere for people of both races.

Snow’s story by itself is fascinating to read, but it is only a small part of a deeply disturbing series of events that occurred in 1835 and involved in key roles the lyricist of “The Star Spangled Banner” and the president of the United States. Jefferson Morley masterfully tells the story (it is really several stories) in his absorbing Snow-Storm in August: Washington City, Francis Scott Key, and the Forgotten Race Riot of 1835. This book reminds us how deeply entrenched proslavery forces were in the nation’s capital and what a struggle it was for African Americans to receive justice and for abolitionists to be heard.

Arthur Bowen was an 18-year-old slave owned by Anna Thornton, the widow of William Thornton, who had been architect of the U.S. Capitol. One night in August, Arthur, intoxicated and influenced by talk about freedom, carried an ax into a bedroom where Mrs. Thornton, her mother and Arthur’s mother were asleep. Although the women were awakened when the door opened and no one was harmed, Arthur was arrested and tried for attempted murder. Within days, Reuben Crandall, a white man with a medical background, was arrested for “exhibiting and circulating dangerous and insurrectionary writings.”

These arrests led to the beginning of what became Washington’s first race riot when a mob, composed primarily of poor white men and boys, took to the streets. They were unable to get inside the jail to lynch the prisoners, but the next day, after spreading an unverifiable, unflattering rumor about Snow, they focused on trashing his restaurant. This explains the use of “Snow Riot” or “Snow-Storm” to describe the mob’s actions. As Morley points out, the rioters chose their targets carefully. Their anger was directed toward the small group of black men who were doing the most to change the slave system.

The prosecutor in both criminal cases was Francis Scott Key, who served for seven years as the city’s district attorney. He had grown up on the family plantation with many slaves. He was personally incapable of brutality and freed seven of his own slaves. Key saw himself as a humanitarian and early in his career defended African Americans in court. But he regarded them as inferior people who could not cope with freedom. He was a founder of the American Colonization Society, which believed that African emigration would end slavery here. An important aspect of his job as district attorney was to keep white men from losing their human property. It should be noted as well that Key’s brother-in-law and one of his best friends was Roger Taney, who as chief justice of the Supreme Court is best known for his role in the 1856 Dred Scott decision.

Anna Thornton, the alleged victim in the incident that helped spark the rioting, stands out as a courageous person who went to great lengths to see that as much justice as possible under the circumstances was done. A respected socialite who owned other slaves, she used every means she could to save Arthur’s life, including appeals to President Andrew Jackson.

Morley, the Washington correspondent for Salon, was both an editor and reporter for The Washington Post and The New Republic, among other publications. He is also the author of Our Man in Mexico: Winston Scott and the Hidden History of the CIA. His important and well-told story of the “Snow-Storm” is an enlightening account of racial tension in pre-Civil War America.

During the period from 1800 to 1835, what was then called Washington City underwent significant social change with regard to slavery. It came to offer more opportunities for free African Americans than any other place in the country, with the possible exception of New Orleans.…

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Despite billions of dollars spent on the most extensive intelligence network in the world and much diplomatic activity, presidents from Eisenhower to George W. Bush have often found themselves baffled by events in the Middle East. During the last 60 years there has not been a consistent U.S. policy for the region; instead, each new president set out to pursue his own approach. As Patrick Tyler demonstrates in his sweeping and compelling history, A World of Trouble: The White House and the Middle East—From the Cold War to the War on Terror, this has only made the situation worse. Although there were some successes, such as the Camp David Accords under President Carter in 1978, invariably the efforts usually ended in disappointment and the U.S. has often found itself responding to events rather than initiating them.

Tyler covered the Middle East and other parts of the globe for the Washington Post and the New York Times and is the author of A Great Wall: Six Presidents and China and Running Critical: The Silent War, Rickover, and General Dynamics. His latest book is the result of exceptional research, including memoirs, oral histories, recently declassified government records and his own interviews with important figures. His narrative demonstrates the crucial roles played by individuals, the importance of timing and the influences of domestic politics and specific groups of constituents on decision-makers. Tyler presents the region as perceived by those who live there as well as those here in the U.S., offering enough information to challenge the biases, prejudices and preconceptions of many readers.

The author devotes much attention to the Israeli-Arab dispute and writes that nothing in the region would be the same after the Six-Day War in 1967, which led to periodic outbreaks of war and much conflict in the years to come. Tyler considers that war a failure of American diplomacy. The Arabs hoped President Johnson would support the return of the territory captured by Israel, as President Eisenhower had done a decade earlier. But Johnson was deeply occupied with the Vietnam War and could not devote time to the complexities of the Middle East. It was during the term of his successor, Richard Nixon, that the U.S. strongly committed itself to arming Israel and Iran.

Jimmy Carter was the first American president emphatically committed to finding a comprehensive settlement to the Arab-Israeli dispute; no other president got into the details of peacemaking and showed that compromise and peace were possible. It was also during the Carter years that Saudi Arabia’s Prince Bandar began to work closely with the White House. Though Prince Bandar is not immune to controversy, his was one of the longest and closest connections by a foreign envoy in U.S. history.

Tyler also discusses the pledge made by Henry Kissinger that American negotiating initiatives with Israel and the Palestinians had to be vetted first by the Israeli side. According to Tyler, Presidents Carter, Reagan and G.W. Bush ignored the pledge when it interfered with U.S. interests.

A World of Trouble gives us the big picture of key events in the Middle East for roughly the last six decades. This book is hard to put down and is an excellent and extremely readable guide to how we got into the present situation in this troubled region.

Roger Bishop is a retired Nashville bookseller and a frequent contributor to BookPage.

Despite billions of dollars spent on the most extensive intelligence network in the world and much diplomatic activity, presidents from Eisenhower to George W. Bush have often found themselves baffled by events in the Middle East. During the last 60 years there has not been…

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