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In the days before D-Day, everyone knew that a seaborne invasion of Europe by the Allies was coming. The big questions were when and where. We now know that the landings on the beaches of Normandy were crucial to eventual victory in World War II. But what was life like in the days just before D-Day? Drawing on a wide range of sources, including letters, diaries, contemporary documents and interviews, historian and former diplomat David Stafford takes us into the lives of ordinary people and military personnel in his Ten Days to D-Day: Citizens and Soldiers on the Eve of the Invasion. The result is a narrative that flows easily, much like an engrossing documentary film, from one person and country to another.

The many profiles include men like Andre Heintz, a French schoolteacher in Caen, who was part of the Resistance. He forged identity cards for those in trouble, but also had the potentially more dangerous role of collecting intelligence about changes in the city’s German military installations. In an Oslo prison, there is Peter Moen, who had been one of the main editors of the most important of the clandestine newspapers in Norway before becoming a prisoner of the Gestapo. Women contributed as well. In the days before D-Day, there were more than 70,000 women working as spies, codebreakers, radio mechanics and in other nontraditional roles. Twenty-year-old Sonia d’Artois, from England and an expert on explosives, parachuted into France before D-Day. The remarkable Vera Atkins was in charge of the French intelligence section; female agents had been sent to France as early as 1942. Along with the personal stories of everyday citizens like those mentioned above, Stafford explores the concerns and frustrations of the leaders, in particular General Eisenhower, Prime Minister Churchill and General de Gaulle. The author also illuminates the central role of the Spaniard Juan Pujol, the double agent who supplied false information to the Germans under the alias of “Arabel,” while secretly submitting reports to the Allies. Pujol’s misinformation was necessary to keep the actual date and time of the invasion secret from the Germans.

Written with admirable clarity, Ten Days to D-Day helps us to appreciate the difficulties, ingenuity, personal courage and sacrifice of the many individual citizens in addition to the Allied leaders in the period just before the D-Day landing. Roger Bishop is a bookseller in Nashville and a frequent contributor to BookPage.

In the days before D-Day, everyone knew that a seaborne invasion of Europe by the Allies was coming. The big questions were when and where. We now know that the landings on the beaches of Normandy were crucial to eventual victory in World War II.…
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Do we need another book about Joseph R. McCarthy, the Republican senator (1947-1957) whose name marks a fearsome era in American history? Tom Wicker, a former editor at the New York Times, thinks so. McCarthy is best understood in the context of the Cold War, which began about the time he arrived in Washington. The Soviet Union, partner in the allied victory, had claimed sovereignty over eastern Europe. Mao Tse-Tung overran Chiang Kai-Shek’s nationalists and China had gone communist. It seemed that the red star was on the rise.

Gifted with energy, intelligence and pugnacity, McCarthy now saw a wondrous opportunity: anti-communism. His baseless charge of 205 communists in the State Department, made in February 1950, catapulted him to fame. For the next four years, he investigated communists wherever he imagined them the executive branch, the Democratic Party and, finally, the military. His goal was simply personal aggrandizement. In Shooting Star: The Brief Arc of Joe McCarthy, Wicker writes, He never uncovered much less sent to jail a single communist, in or out of government. Still, colleagues, presidents and press lords quailed before his popularity in the polls.

Wicker relates the familiar story of how McCarthy’s attack on the Army brought him down. It began with the efforts by his chief aide, Roy Cohn, to gain favor for Cohn’s homosexual lover, Pvt. G. David Schine. And it ended with the magnificent words of chief counsel to the Army, Joseph Welch, whose law partner McCarthy had smeared: Have you at long last, sir, no decency? The hearings were televised. As long as print covered the senator, he remained a popular idol; when people saw his sneer and heard his vicious words, he plummeted in esteem. Wicker’s book adds few facts to what’s known about McCarthy, but it provides a valuable analysis of how his popularity presented dilemmas for both parties in the early 1950s. And he acknowledges McCarthy’s genuine gifts, which, tragically, were used only to seek renown. James Summerville lives and writes in Dickson, Tennessee.

Do we need another book about Joseph R. McCarthy, the Republican senator (1947-1957) whose name marks a fearsome era in American history? Tom Wicker, a former editor at the New York Times, thinks so. McCarthy is best understood in the context of the Cold War,…
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Jennet Conant is a genius at finding significant World War II-era stories that have largely gone untold or unnoticed in the more comprehensive chronicles of that period. As the granddaughter of James Bryant Conant, the eminent chemist, statesman and longtime president of Harvard University, she has had particular access to the behind-the-scenes workings of history. From that access have come the dramatic and well-documented narratives Tuxedo Park, 109 East Palace and The Irregulars.

Now Conant is back with A Covert Affair, an equally readable account of larger-than-life Julia Child and her husband, Paul Child—not as culinary pioneers, but in their earlier incarnations as information-gatherers and propagandists for the World War II intelligence network, the Office of Strategic Services. Fascinating as these two figures are, though, the book’s real focal point is their good friend, the daring and alluring socialite and spy Jane Foster.

Julia and Jane were both from wealthy, conservative families in California; Paul, who was 10 years older than Julia, grew up relatively poor in Boston. Idealists all, they volunteered for the war effort and initially served together in Ceylon (now Sri Lanka), working in league with the British. Later, in various configurations, they would continue their government services in Indonesia, China and Vietnam. An impulsive do-gooder, Foster grew incensed that the Dutch, French and English were intent on reasserting their colonial claims in the East once the Japanese were driven out. After the war ended, she argued eloquently and publicly on behalf of the Indonesian resistance movement—one of many political indiscretions that would come back to haunt her when the American government embarked on its witch hunt for Communists.

Conant devotes the last half of her book to showing how the Childs were caught up in Senator McCarthy’s red-baiting. Both were indignant at what they perceived as Foster’s persecution, and both spoke out in her defense, even when evidence filtered in that she might be more culpable in spying for Russia than she admitted. As Foster’s star was sinking, the irrepressible Julia’s was rising. After the war, she took cooking classes to impress hard-to-snare Paul—they were finally married in 1946—then expanded her studies when they were posted to France. By the time Julia’s Mastering the Art of French Cooking was published in 1961 to near-universal acclaim, Foster was living in exile in Paris, embittered, separated from her old friends and contemplating the enormous costs of her political sympathies. Conant’s account of the three friends’ stories is another masterpiece of historical reporting.

 

Jennet Conant is a genius at finding significant World War II-era stories that have largely gone untold or unnoticed in the more comprehensive chronicles of that period. As the granddaughter of James Bryant Conant, the eminent chemist, statesman and longtime president of Harvard University, she…

Rick Smolan and Jennifer Erwitt have created coffee-table books that resonate with Americans, from A Day in the Life of America to Passage to Vietnam. The husband-and-wife duo's latest, America at Home: A Close-up Look at How We Live, sticks to the winning formula: large color photos (by pros and amateurs alike) with short, evocative captions. Thoughtful essays consider what home means: "Simpsons" creator Matt Groening ponders our "weird, mysterious connection" with home, tech writer David Pogue muses about home-as-workplace and novelist Amy Tan writes about her husband, their pets and their home life. All sorts of Americans are represented – from different states, age groups, ethnicities and lifestyles – and the concept of home is broad. America at Home visits a yurt, houseboats and comedian Rich Little's in-home theater, to name a few, and offers statistics on everything from homelessness to adoption rates. The book is fun to flip through, pore over or share.

The prolific, Pulitzer Prize-winning George F. Will offers his impressions of America's culture via a cross-country chronicling of the people, places and traditions that inform our national identity. In One Man's America: The Pleasures and Provocations of Our Singular Nation, the longtime Newsweek columnist writes about Hugh Hefner, Ronald Reagan, the Holocaust Memorial Museum and baseball. He also peers through the lens of his own experience to question what is accepted vs. what is right. In an essay about his son Jon, born with Down syndrome, Will bemoans "today's entitlement mentality—every parent's 'right' to a perfect baby." He also questions whether "green" companies are as eco-conscious as they claim, and rhapsodizes about his beloved baseball. The book is a mixed bag and, ultimately, an invitation to look at America in a skeptical but hopeful way.

EMBRACING CHANCE
Numismatists, history buffs and schoolchildren alike will enjoy A Pocketful of History: Four Hundred Years of America – One State Quarter at a Time. Jim Noles explores the meaning of what's shown on the coins, such as the Statue of Liberty, a cow, the Space Shuttle and Helen Keller. He reveals how the U.S. Mint came up with the idea (they were inspired by a Canadian program), and notes that, in some states, the governor chose the design, while others had citizens weigh in. Also interesting: thanks to recent legislation, Washington, D.C., and the five U.S. territories will get quarters, too. There's a lot to be learned here, but the quarter-by-quarter approach keeps the information manageable. It's clear, as Noles writes, "that new spare change jangling in our pockets . . . celebrates change and the history of change."

RUN IT UP THE FLAGPOLE
You may already know the Betsy Ross story has been consigned to myth, but did you know that, since 1998, the Smithsonian has been working to preserve the Star-Spangled Banner? The museum reopens this month, and visitors may enter the new flag room and see the American icon in all its dramatic, tattered glory. The Star-Spangled Banner: The Making of an American Icon by Lonn Taylor, Kathleen M. Kendrick and Jeffrey L. Brodie serves as a nice preview or alternative: it takes readers through the flag's history and considers its role as a symbol of American unity and democracy. The book covers a range of topics, from the day in 1814 when Francis Scott Key was inspired to write the national anthem to a biographical sketch of the woman who made the flag from linen, cotton and wool. There are plenty of photos, including the historic (raising the flag at Iwo Jima) and the pop cultural (images of '60s-era items adorned with stars and stripes).

Rick Smolan and Jennifer Erwitt have created coffee-table books that resonate with Americans, from A Day in the Life of America to Passage to Vietnam. The husband-and-wife duo's latest, America at Home: A Close-up Look at How We Live, sticks to the winning formula: large…

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Though contemporary politicians on both sides of the aisle often either fondly praise or viciously attack the legacy of Franklin Delano Roosevelt's New Deal, there really aren't that many people around who either remember or understand the impact of such entities as the Works Progress Administration (WPA), nor the many things that were created under its umbrella. Author and biographer Susan Quinn's exhaustive new book Furious Improvisation: How the WPA and a Cast of Thousands Made High Art out of Desperate Times offers vital information about exactly what the WPA did, who it helped and why it was among FDR's most important creations. The book also spotlights a period in American history whose links to subsequent cultural and political developments is frequently underrated.

Quinn focuses on the Federal Theater Project, which began in 1935 and was among four endeavors labeled "Federal One" and designed to employ writers, visual artists, musicians and theater workers. Hallie Flanagan, director of a theater program at Vassar, was tapped by WPA head Harry Hopkins to launch the project in Iowa. Hopkins wanted to start it in the Midwest to allay fears about elitism, snobbery or bias on behalf of larger urban cities. Hopkins and Flanagan, who had graduated a year apart at Grinnell College, also picked a week when a national theater conference was happening in Iowa City to launch the project.

From this promising start, Quinn traces the Federal Theater Project's growth, willingness to combat racial and social taboos, and recruitment of gifted but controversial personalities. All these elements resulted in plenty of behind-the-scenes drama and intrigue. Whether presenting a voodoo version of "Macbeth" or employing the likes of Orson Welles, John Houseman and Sinclair Lewis, the Federal Theater Project delighted in surprising and shocking audiences, confronting conservative authorities, and smashing boundaries and barriers in terms of expectations.

Sadly, such welcome trends as presenting plays with integrated casts, encouraging submissions and participation from black and female actors and playwrights, exploring themes of poverty and injustice in the rural South, and presenting material featuring strong protest and social justice themes proved the very things that led to the program's destruction. Though nowhere as prominent during the '30s as they became in the '50s, the "Red Scare" and paranoia about Communists infiltrating the government were becoming more commonplace.

These fears helped fuel a backlash that was most vividly expressed by Rep. Martin Dies Jr. (D-Texas). Like his legislator father, Dies was a virulent racist and xenophobe. He became chairman of the House Un-American Activities Committee in 1938, and was one of several Southern senators determined to halt such developments as anti-lynching bills and stop the rising number of immigrants coming to America. Dies made scuttling the Federal Theater Project part of a larger plan to destroy FDR's New Deal legacy. While that didn't work, he did succeed in ending the Federal Theater Project by the summer of 1939.

Still, as Quinn's volume colorfully documents, over its four-year tenure the Federal Theater Project tapped a nationwide creative energy and spirit that had previously been mostly dormant. The roots of everything from the civil rights and feminist movements to the artistic revolution of the '60s can be traced to this period, and Furious Improvisation relives these times with zest and reverence.

Ron Wynn writes for Nashville City Paper and other publications.

Though contemporary politicians on both sides of the aisle often either fondly praise or viciously attack the legacy of Franklin Delano Roosevelt's New Deal, there really aren't that many people around who either remember or understand the impact of such entities as the Works…

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Essentially, Voices of Valor was born in 1983, when the then director of the Eisenhower Center at the University of New Orleans, historian Stephen E. Ambrose, started interviewing D-Day veterans for an oral history project. Realizing how extraordinary it would have been to have had the technology to tape-record the soldiers of Gettysburg or Vicksburg during the U.S. Civil War, Ambrose and his associate, Captain Ron Drez, USMC a decorated rifle company commander in Vietnam in 1968 embarked on a mission. For over a decade they canvassed America, attending veterans’ reunions and tracking down forgotten men. The Eisenhower Center collection grew to more than 2,000 accounts of D-Day experiences. “This is the most extensive first-person, I-was-there collection of memoirs of a single battle in existence,” Ambrose wrote in the acknowledgments to his best-selling book D-Day: June 6, 1944: The Climactic Battle of World War II.

D-Day was the turning point of World War II. British prime minister Winston Churchill summed it up best when he deemed it “the most difficult and most complicated operation ever to take place.” That is saying a lot, for it was a rare day during the war when something crucial didn’t transpire somewhere in the Pacific, Burma-India-China, the Middle East, North Africa, the Soviet Union, the North Atlantic or Europe. On June 4, 1944, for example, the Americans marched triumphantly into Rome, headquarters of Fascist Italy and the first major capital to be liberated by the Allies. But the D-Day invasion in northern France two days later was a turning point of a different sort: land conquered by the Nazis was taken back for freedom. It was only a narrow strip of sea-sprayed beach, but it was land, hard-fought for, and it was the beginning of the end for Adolf Hitler.

Everything about D-Day was large the overarching strategy, the vast mobilization, the sheer number of troops. But it is the daring boldness and intrepid courage of the men America’s 1st, 4th, and 29th Infantry Divisions, and its 82nd and 101st Airborne Divisions, along with the British 3rd and 50th Infantry Divisions, the Canadian 3rd Infantry Division, and the British 6th Airborne Division plus the incredible job of the U.S. Navy and Air Corps, that stand out. One can read biographies of Dwight Eisenhower or watch footage of John Ford, but the only way to understand D-Day fully is as a battle at its smallest: that is, one soldier and one reminiscence at a time. Collectively, these fighting men were the Voices of Valor the title of this book.

Infantryman Al Littke of the 16th Regiment Combat Team, for example, watched the naval bombardment of Omaha Beach as he waited in a boat to join the landing. “With all this fire power, it should be a cinch,” he recalled saying to himself, “I thought I was untouchable.” Leonard Griffing was a paratrooper with the 101st Airborne Division, preparing to drop onto French soil from a low-flying airplane. “As I stood there with my hands on the edge of the doorway ready to push out,” he recalled, “it seemed that we took some kind of a burst under the left wing because the plane went in a sharp roll and I couldn’t push myself out because it was uphill, so I just hung on.” D-Day was not one day, but a composite of many days, experienced by each of those individuals who played a part on the Allied side from the 120,000 men who landed during the initial action to the millions of personnel who supported them. In this volume, the story of D-Day is told through the impressions of those who were there. None of the people who lend their voices here saw the grand sweep of the battle, but rather only one small snapshot of it. Assembled in this book, Voices of Valor, are those memories some tragic, some humorous, and all of them imbued with human drama. They comprise the big picture of the largest invasion force ever assembled. Voices of Valor: D-Day June 6, 1944 includes two audio CDs of D-Day participants’ accounts introduced by Douglas Brinkley. Brinkley is a professor of history at the University of New Orleans, director of the Dwight D. Eisenhower Center for American Studies and author of several books. Co-author Ronald J. Drez is writing a children’s book on D-Day for National Geographic.

Essentially, Voices of Valor was born in 1983, when the then director of the Eisenhower Center at the University of New Orleans, historian Stephen E. Ambrose, started interviewing D-Day veterans for an oral history project. Realizing how extraordinary it would have been to have had…
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In his engrossing new book, award-winning historian Alan Taylor masterfully explores the transition of the borderland of Iroquoia, an alliance of Native American groups called the Six Nations, into two bordered lands which became the state of New York in the American republic and the province of Upper Canada in the British Empire. The Divided Ground: Indians, Settlers, and the Northern Borderland of the American Revolution offers a panoramic view of events from multiple perspectives over a period of 50 years. Throughout the painful, and, for many, tragic process including war, diplomacy, broken treaties and promises, land speculation, greed and opportunism the Indians become divided among themselves and devalued as human beings by others. Taylor, recipient of both the Bancroft and Pulitzer prizes for Mr. Cooper’s Town, explains in extensive detail what lay behind Westward expansion and the settlement of the frontier.

At the heart of this narrative are Joseph Brant, a Mohawk Indian, and Samuel Kirkland, a clergyman’s son, whose 50-year link began in 1761 at a colonial boarding school. It was intended that the boys would become teachers and missionaries to the Indians. However, these one-time friends became bitingly hostile opponents: Brant siding with the British, Kirkland with the revolutionary colonists. Brant sought to help the Indians as he, at least for a while, moved nimbly and with great influence and power between the two cultures. Kirkland also tried to help the Indians, then left to join the rebelling colonists, returning to the Indians late in life. Both men profited handsomely from being able to bridge the cultures.

Taylor also gives us carefully drawn portraits of many other prominent personalities, including the Seneca chief Red Jacket, who was an extraordinary negotiator, and George Clinton, who dominated New York’s politics from 1777 to 1795 and was primarily responsible for the massive transfer of Iroquois lands into state possession for sale and settlement.

Taylor shows that the Indian leaders, with foresight, chose to manage settlement by leasing land rather than selling it. However, a so-called preemption right, by which state and colonial leaders declared imminent and inevitable their acquisition of Indian land, diminishing aboriginal title to a temporary possession, accomplished the objectives of dispossessing the Indians and creating the private property that led to the development of New York in the United States and British interests in Canada. Taylor is concerned about scholars who treat preemption as anything more than a partisan fiction asserted to dispossess native people. Of particular interest to him is the Washington administration’s serious concern about the strength of Indian forces which led to a decision to revise the nation’s frontier policy. The foundation of the new federal policy, passed by Congress and signed by President Washington in July 1790, invalidated any purchase of Indian land, whether by a state or an individual, unless conducted at a treaty council held under federal auspices. The power of The Divided Ground comes from both the accumulation of so much detail from all sides regarding specific events and by the roles played by individual leaders. This is a crucial part of American history that all of us should understand, and Taylor is an excellent teacher.

Roger Bishop is a Nashville bookseller and a frequent contributor to BookPage.

In his engrossing new book, award-winning historian Alan Taylor masterfully explores the transition of the borderland of Iroquoia, an alliance of Native American groups called the Six Nations, into two bordered lands which became the state of New York in the American republic and the…
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Joseph T. Glatthaar's General Lee's Army: From Victory to Collapse offers a cradle-to-grave recounting of the Army of Northern Virginia, the South's main battle force for the duration of the Civil War. Glatthaar provides everything we might come to expect from such a serious tome: authoritative background on the army's founding, its key generals (especially Robert E. Lee, who took command in 1862) and its major campaigns and time-honored engagements (Antietam, Chancellorsville, Gettysburg, etc.) But Glatthaar also does something that distinguishes, and should well establish, his volume as a new, major one-stop source on the ANV: he profiles the everyday soldier. The author's research is exhaustive, and he quotes extensively from contemporary accounts (diaries, letters, etc.) that tell us where the rank-and-file Johnny Reb may have hailed from, his family status (generally not from the moneyed class), his attitudes on the war (usually enthusiastic, at the beginning anyway), the ammunition he used, his religious beliefs and the rigors of his daily camp life (generally tough going, especially as the fortunes of war turned downward). On a broader level, Glatthaar does what every Civil War historian must, offering appropriately detailed discussions of battles within a strategic and political context, with good maps and archival photos of division and corps commanders rounding out the coverage.

BEFORE IT ALL BEGAN
A war begun for spurious reasons, initiated at the behest of a U.S. president whose term in office amounted to little more than the flexing of American might. As familiar as that might sound, we're actually talking about the Mexican War and President James K. Polk. Odds are the territory gained in that conflict – including California and New Mexico – may very well have accrued to the U.S. anyway. Yet besides its land-grab aspects, the Mexican War also proved important in later years because it was there that many commanders in the Civil War got their first real battle experience. Martin Dugard's The Training Ground: Grant, Lee, Sherman, and Davis in the Mexican War, 1846-1848 does a wonderful job of explaining the war's origins and political ramifications in the aftermath of the fight for Texas independence. Thereafter, the author follows the lives and careers of the later-to-be-famous military men – including Robert E. Lee, Ulysses S. Grant, William Tecumseh Sherman, Stonewall Jackson, Joseph Hooker, eventual Confederate president Jefferson Davis and many others – leading up to and including their performance on the other side of the Rio Grande. American forces in Mexico were commanded by Gen. Zachary Taylor, himself elected U.S. president shortly after the war's end. Dugard gives us a full strategic and tactical history of the war, with the coverage of the noted individuals folded neatly within, including the roles they played at battles whose names – Palo Alto, Resaca de la Palma, Buena Vista – are rarely ever mentioned in common contemporary discourse.

THE AFRICAN-AMERICAN EXPERIENCE
University of Tennessee history professor Stephen V. Ash is noted for his rigorous research and his capable, almost novelistic, way of telling a historical tale. He brings those gifts to Firebrand of Liberty: The Story of Two Black Regiments That Changed the Course of the Civil War, which, unsurprisingly, will evoke memories of the story told in the 1989 film Glory. The key player here is Col. Thomas Wentworth Higginson, an educated, moralistic New Englander with a very public abolitionist streak. In March 1863, Higginson gathered 900 African-American soldiers in South Carolina and led them, by land and sea, to Jacksonville, Florida, where their efforts helped to assert territorial control over the Confederate Army, while also sending a message to Southerners (both black and white) about freedom. This mission was relatively short-lived and its strategic importance has never been emphasized in general accounts of the Civil War. Yet it was the first instance where black troops faced live bullets and served effectively alongside white troops. The 1st and 2nd South Carolina's professional deportment also alerted President Lincoln to a new reality – that recruitment of black troops for the Union war effort could begin in earnest.

If there is one area of recollection on the Civil War not yet exhausted, it's certainly the voice of the slave. The Slaves' War: The Civil War in the Words of Former Slaves is a remarkable volume, which, in its singular way, provides the reader with a fresh perspective on the conflict. Author/compiler Andrew Ward has "sifted from literally thousands of interviews, obituaries, squibs, diaries, letters, memoirs, and depositions" to capture a slave's-eye view of events, arranged in a chronological narrative from antebellum 1850 through war's end and Reconstruction. This "civilian history" is told with unflinching honesty in a deeply affecting vernacular, the quoted material offering valuable insights not only into the slaves' personal plights, but also into the defeated lives of their former masters. There's humor, irony and wisdom in these pages, and the mix of Ward's astutely rendered factual setups with the testimonies of the blacks who lived the history truly explores new historical ground.

FATHER OF A GUN
Chicago Tribune writer and Pulitzer Prize-winner Julia Keller travels interesting historical and sociological roads in Mr. Gatling's Terrible Marvel, her account of the development and marketing of the Gatling Gun. The Gatling is associated with the Civil War mainly because inventor and businessman Richard Jordan Gatling tried mightily to get the Union army to adopt his innovative, crank-operated "machine gun." In fact, the Gatling was used very little during the war, but was found valuable later in the U.S. Army's hostilities against Indian tribes, not to mention as a curiosity item in Buffalo Bill Cody's Wild West Show. Keller draws an interesting parallel between Gatling and atomic bomb mastermind J. Robert Oppenheimer, both of whose weapons were designed with the ultimate goal of saving more lives than they claimed.

Joseph T. Glatthaar's General Lee's Army: From Victory to Collapse offers a cradle-to-grave recounting of the Army of Northern Virginia, the South's main battle force for the duration of the Civil War. Glatthaar provides everything we might come to expect from such a serious tome:…

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There can hardly be a more frustrating or thankless task than trying to impose a moral code on war, an institution which, by its very nature, feeds on its own excesses. Yet that is the job that A.C. Grayling, a professor of philosophy at the University of London’s Birkbeck College, undertakes here. Although he cites examples from armed conflicts throughout history, Grayling draws his chief conclusions from the bombings of cities in Europe and Japan during World War II. Grayling first makes it clear that he is not an apologist for Germany or Japan and that they were clearly aggressors who merited being defeated. His moral question is: what did the Allies owe to the innocent civilians of those two nations when it came to planning and carrying out their bombing raids? He is specifically concerned with area bombing, which he defines as the strategy of treating whole cities and the civilian populations as targets for attack by high explosive and incendiary bombs, and in the end by atom bombs. The two great Allied proponents of area bombing were Great Britain’s Sir Arthur Harris and America’s Gen. Curtis E. LeMay. Each, according to Grayling, had an inflated notion of the effectiveness of the technique in winning the war. Their unfortunate laboratories for testing their theories included not only the industrial centers of Berlin and Tokyo but also such targets of questionable military value as Augsburg, Frankfurt, Cologne, Dresden and Nagasaki. At the beginning of the war, both Germany and Britain went to some lengths to avoid the gratuitous bombing of civilians. But as the conflict heated up and one outrage incited another, the niceties fell away and the rationalizations for indiscriminate slaughter blossomed. (LeMay conceded that had the U.S. lost the war, he might have been indicted as a war criminal.) Beyond the great loss of innocent lives, Grayling points out that the bombings also amounted to culturecide the needless destruction of libraries, schools, churches, monuments and other irreplaceable objects of artistic and historic importance. (To America’s credit, he notes, Secretary of War Henry Stimson removed Kyoto, Japan’s cultural center, from the list of cities to be bombed.) In addition to contending that it was morally wrong, Grayling further argues that area bombing was not nearly as militarily effective as its champions insisted it was. He says it didn’t sap the Germans’ will to fight nor break the back of their industrial productivity. Just as it had in Britain, the attacks seemed only to stiffen national resolve and bring out the people’s resilience and ingenuity. According to official estimates, Allied bombing principally by the British killed 305,000 German civilians and injured another 780,000.

The lingering question is: who can punish the victor in war, no matter how flagrant his crime? Edward Morris reviews from Nashville.

There can hardly be a more frustrating or thankless task than trying to impose a moral code on war, an institution which, by its very nature, feeds on its own excesses. Yet that is the job that A.C. Grayling, a professor of philosophy at the…
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Very few people know the name Mary Surratt today, but in 1865, she was one of the most hated women in the United States—unless you were a staunch Confederate. Surratt ran the boarding house where the conspirators, including John Wilkes Booth and her own son, met to plan the assassination of President Abraham Lincoln.

In The Assassin's Accomplice, historian Kate Clifford Larson paints a vivid picture of Civil War Washington, D.C., and Maryland with its Confederate spies and sympathizers. Through an extensive search of records, court transcripts and memoirs, she also shows conclusively that Mary Surratt was indeed one of the conspirators, not simply the mother of one of them. Still, it is hard to read the accounts of the trial without having sympathy for Surratt. Had her son, John, returned to the States from a Confederate spying mission in Canada to testify on her behalf, it is likely she would have been found innocent or pardoned. Her lawyer disappeared following his opening remarks, leaving her in the hands of two much less experienced attorneys.

Then there were the newspapers. As Larson writes, "Vilified and caricatured in the mostly Northern newspapers that carried reports from the courtroom, Mary endured almost continual aspersions against her femininity, religion, age, physical appearance, and demeanor." Ironically, popular opinion moved in Surratt's favor after her execution and she became the poster child for the innocent Southern martyr at the hands of a "vengeful and vindictive Northern political machine." But for Larson, there is only one conclusion: Mary Surratt "decided to assist [Booth] in whatever way she could. In providing a warm home, private encouragement, and material support to Abraham Lincoln's murderer, she offered more than most of Booth's other supporters. For that, Mary Surratt lost her life and must forever be remembered as the assassin's accomplice."

Very few people know the name Mary Surratt today, but in 1865, she was one of the most hated women in the United States—unless you were a staunch Confederate. Surratt ran the boarding house where the conspirators, including John Wilkes Booth and her own son,…

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One had to be an adult living through that time to fully appreciate the fear kindled throughout the world by what is now called "the Cuban missile crisis" – 13 agonizing days in October 1962 when it seemed certain that the U.S. and the Soviet Union would wage an apocalyptic war over nuclear missiles Russia had attempted to install in Cuba.

In the years since, the complexities of that confrontation have been reduced to a manageable American myth in which young but resolute President Kennedy faces down wily, impulsive Premier Khrushchev. Not so, says Washington Post reporter Michael Dobbs in One Minute to Midnight. In his accounting, both Kennedy and Khrushchev emerge as temperate and essentially moral leaders who succeeded in staving off warmongers within their own ranks, notably the pugnacious Gen. Curtis LeMay, who had distinguished himself in World War II by firebombing Tokyo, and Fidel Castro, who was still bristling with revolutionary fervor.

Dobbs draws on interviews with eyewitnesses, White House tape recordings, surveillance photos, contemporary news accounts and overlooked records to show the chaotic randomness of events and why so many things went wrong. American intelligence was greatly flawed, seriously underestimating the number of Russian troops and missiles in Cuba. Castro (not without reason) was certain the U.S. would invade the island at any moment. Had it done so, Dobbs reveals, Russian forces armed with tactical nuclear weapons were set to destroy the naval base at Guantanamo Bay.

Then there were the wild cards that could have tipped the uneasy standoff into full-fledged war. Among these were the U-2 spy plane the Russians shot down over Cuba. Most perilous of all were the primitive means of communication between the two governments that could never keep up with the rapid shifts in circumstances.

One Minute to Midnight is another persuasive argument that war is too important to be left in the hands of generals.

Edward Morris writes from Nashville.

 

One had to be an adult living through that time to fully appreciate the fear kindled throughout the world by what is now called "the Cuban missile crisis" - 13 agonizing days in October 1962 when it seemed certain that the U.S. and the…

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The public record shows that Franklin D. Roosevelt had one wife. But from a purely emotional perspective, he had three: the Official Wife, the Work Wife and the Hidden Wife. And that's not counting the casual flings. The legal wife, of course, was Eleanor. Admirable though she was, she drove him nuts. The work wife, equally predictably, was his longtime secretary Missy LeHand, who spent much more time with him than Eleanor did, day and night, before her untimely death at 46. The backdoor wife was Lucy Mercer Rutherfurd.

FDR's affair with Lucy Mercer during World War I, when she was Eleanor's social secretary, nearly broke up his marriage. More than 25 years later, Lucy, by then the widowed Mrs. Rutherfurd, was staying with him in Warm Springs, Georgia, until just before his death. In Franklin and Lucy, historian Joseph E. Persico, the author of a previous book on FDR and World War II espionage (Roosevelt's Secret War), is able to highlight their close friendship with the help of letters from FDR found in 2005 by Rutherfurd's grandchildren. The letters and other evidence, including phone logs, show that loving contact between the two was continuous through much of the 1920s and 1930s, even as Lucy enjoyed a good marriage to an older millionaire and Roosevelt carried on semi-publicly with Missy.

Persico effectively argues that Lucy was the enduring true love of Franklin's life. But this psychologically perceptive book is as much an emotional biography of Franklin and Eleanor as it is about the somewhat elusive Lucy, the "intelligent listener." It shows how much Franklin was influenced by all the strong women in his life – his overwhelming mother, his conflicted daughter, his several likely mistresses. It poignantly describes Eleanor's probable love affair with journalist Lorena Hickok and midlife crushes on younger men. It documents FDR's questionable treatment of Missy.

They were complicated people, Franklin and Eleanor and Lucy. Luckily for FDR and his wife, they lived at a time when friends and journalists largely kept quiet about the private lives of public figures. One wonders how they would fare today.

Anne Bartlett is a journalist in Washington, D.C.

The public record shows that Franklin D. Roosevelt had one wife. But from a purely emotional perspective, he had three: the Official Wife, the Work Wife and the Hidden Wife. And that's not counting the casual flings. The legal wife, of course, was Eleanor. Admirable…

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In times of greatest inhumanity our common humanity becomes most clear. Most Americans today know that our prisoners of war in Vietnam were tortured, but few truly know the extent of cruelty inflicted on these men, or the astounding reserves of strength physical, emotional and spiritual they called upon to survive.

Two Souls Indivisible: The Friendship that Saved Two POWs in Vietnam is the story of two of these men. Major Fred Cherry, a fighter pilot in the U.S. Air Force, and Lt. j.g. Porter Halyburton, a navigator on a Navy fighter, were shot down in separate incidents. The two were made to share a single cell, where Halyburton was ordered to care for the severely injured Cherry. Halyburton was a white Southerner. Cherry was a black man. Knowing vaguely of the racial strife in America at the time, the North Vietnamese captors assumed the arrangement would be psychological torture. The North Vietnamese were wrong.

Hirsch’s book chronicles how Cherry and Halyburton broke through barriers of race and prejudice to build bonds of friendship that saw only each other’s souls. The reader will alternate between horror at the vicious cruelty of the North Vietnamese, anger at political machinations and betrayal back home, pride in the prisoners themselves, and awe at the amazing resilience of the human spirit.

James S. Hirsch is the author of the best-selling biography Hurricane, about boxer Rubin “Hurricane” Carter (portrayed on film by Denzel Washington). Two Souls Indivisible is no doubt headed for the same acclaim. Powerful, compelling, moving, inspiring and ultimately healing, it deserves a place among the great books about the dark days of the Vietnam War and the men who lived through the greatest darkness of all, trusting that they would one day see home. Howard Shirley’s interest in Vietnam stems from his aunt, Jo Ann Jones Shirley, whose brother Bobby M. Jones was shot down over Vietnam in 1972 and has been listed as MIA since 1973.

In times of greatest inhumanity our common humanity becomes most clear. Most Americans today know that our prisoners of war in Vietnam were tortured, but few truly know the extent of cruelty inflicted on these men, or the astounding reserves of strength physical, emotional and…

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